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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Lexington
Politicians need to stop pretending to angry voters that globalisation can be wished away
THE public is losing faith in the American Dream, Mitch McConnell declared on the night that he won a sixth Senate term, amid an electoral wave that handed his Republican Party control of Congress. Now begins a more important contest, Mr McConnell told Kentucky Republicans: the race to save the centuries-old “compact” that every American generation leaves the next one better off. Mr McConnell declared that promise imperilled by “distant planners in federal agencies”, whether they are killing2 jobs in coal mines or—in their zeal3 to impose Obamacare—cancelling families' health insurance plans. The senator thanked his parents, survivors4 of the second world war, for passing their American optimism to him. Now, in unhappy contrast, Mr McConnell says he sees “hurt” in the eyes of ordinary folk.
He is right about the national mood. Voters are almost united in their belief that America is heading in the wrong direction. Alas5 for Mr McConnell, who is set to become Senate majority leader, that is about where their unity6 ends.
Too many leaders in the rich West have picked up on gloom about the future as a driver of public distrust of politics, but offer only narrow, partisan7 solutions, often focused on scrapping8 opponents' policies that they always disliked. Republicans such as Mr McConnell are right to criticise9 government when it overreaches. But it is a stretch to suggest that reining10 in environmental rules on coal, or even repealing11 Obamacare, can revive the American Dream.
That dream looms12 large in American politics. So much voter disquiet13 is linked to nostalgia for hazily-remembered golden decades when factories offered jobs for life, baby booms filled maternity14 wards15 and millions of families enjoyed the fruits of post-war prosperity (though women and non-whites may recall those years a bit differently). But coal mines, steel mills and factories have closed throughout the rich world, in countries with very different governments, labour laws and environmental rules. What all faced was an explosion in global competition, followed by a second wave of automation.
That helps to explain why voter unhappiness sounds so similar across the rich world. Your columnist16 has covered elections on four continents, and the same themes keep cropping up. Mr McConnell's speech in Kentucky reminded him of one given in 2011 by Ed Miliband, the leader of Britain's Labour Party, a leftwinger with whom Mr McConnell ought to have little in common. Mr Miliband accused Britain's Conservative-led government of betraying the “British Promise” of upward mobility17, tempered with egalitarianism. He noted18 that fewer than one in ten Britons believed that life would be easier for their children. He talked of his parents, refugees from Nazism19, and the post-war opportunities they enjoyed. His British Promise is built on government: his speech saluted20 the National Health Service and state schools for helping21 new generations get ahead, and denounced Conservative cuts as “kicking away the ladders”.
In Brussels, your columnist used to watch politicians defend what some called the European Dream, involving lots of “solidarity”—ie, farm subsidies22, industrial policies to prop23 up favoured firms, welfare, transfers from rich countries to poor ones and a dose of protectionism. Voters needed a more protective Europe, thundered Nicolas Sarkozy, France's president from 2007-12, or they would reject it as a “Trojan horse” for globalisation.
All this is revealing. In rich country after rich country, under governments both of the left and of the right, the biggest worry for voters is that middle-class incomes are stagnating24 and the job-for-life is dead. Politicians instinctively25 blame their domestic opponents' wicked or foolish policies. They cannot all be right.
American conservatives growl26 that if the country feels all wrong it is because Democrats27 buy elections with “free stuff” for the feckless poor, destroying the national work ethic28. Democrats say no, it is because Republicans are too heartless to care about the middle classes, and because unpatriotic billionaires send jobs overseas. Similarly, in Britain, Mr Miliband implies that the middle class are getting stiffed because the Conservatives care only about the rich. French presidents blame technocrats29 in Brussels for the same problem. Few of these leaders will admit that their countries' travails30 owe more to global forces than to their opponents' folly31.
More and more voters now express a generalised contempt for established parties. Though his condemnations of Mr Obama resonate, Mr McConnell is not loved in Kentucky. Britons may dislike Conservatives, but painfully few trust Mr Miliband to deliver state-sponsored prosperity. Mr Sarkozy was hooted32 from office; his Socialist33 successor is now even more despised.
Unhappy voters are all alike
That general collapse34 of trust can trump35 national quirks36. Take British campaign spending, which is ferociously37 regulated—even paid political ads on TV and radio are banned. Total spending by parties and outside groups on Britain's 2010 general election was 34.3m (54.3m). That is less than the seventh-costliest Senate race in 2014, in Alaska (59.2m). Yet Britons voice the same furious suspicions that politicians are bought by big money as Americans do. Given the vast differences in absolute spending, that suggests voters are mostly saying something else: that they feel the fix is in (and that campaign-finance rules don't buy much public trust).
This is not a call for political apathy38. In every country some policies are better than others, and bad ones should be changed. Populists peddling39 false remedies (Close the borders! Quit the EU! Secede40!) must be debated and beaten. But let political leaders everywhere tell their publics the truth: the years of easy post-war growth are gone, replaced by competition that cannot be wished away, and so must be met head-on—and ideally harnessed. That will take hard work and new ideas. Time to wake up.
1 nostalgia | |
n.怀乡病,留恋过去,怀旧 | |
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2 killing | |
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
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3 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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4 survivors | |
幸存者,残存者,生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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5 alas | |
int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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6 unity | |
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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7 partisan | |
adj.党派性的;游击队的;n.游击队员;党徒 | |
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8 scrapping | |
刮,切除坯体余泥 | |
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9 criticise | |
v.批评,评论;非难 | |
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10 reining | |
勒缰绳使(马)停步( rein的现在分词 ); 驾驭; 严格控制; 加强管理 | |
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11 repealing | |
撤销,废除( repeal的现在分词 ) | |
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12 looms | |
n.织布机( loom的名词复数 )v.隐约出现,阴森地逼近( loom的第三人称单数 );隐约出现,阴森地逼近 | |
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13 disquiet | |
n.担心,焦虑 | |
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14 maternity | |
n.母性,母道,妇产科病房;adj.孕妇的,母性的 | |
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15 wards | |
区( ward的名词复数 ); 病房; 受监护的未成年者; 被人照顾或控制的状态 | |
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16 columnist | |
n.专栏作家 | |
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17 mobility | |
n.可动性,变动性,情感不定 | |
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18 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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19 Nazism | |
n. 纳粹主义 | |
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20 saluted | |
v.欢迎,致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 );赞扬,赞颂 | |
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21 helping | |
n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的,辅助的 | |
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22 subsidies | |
n.补贴,津贴,补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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23 prop | |
vt.支撑;n.支柱,支撑物;支持者,靠山 | |
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24 stagnating | |
v.停滞,不流动,不发展( stagnate的现在分词 ) | |
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25 instinctively | |
adv.本能地 | |
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26 growl | |
v.(狗等)嗥叫,(炮等)轰鸣;n.嗥叫,轰鸣 | |
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27 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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28 ethic | |
n.道德标准,行为准则 | |
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29 technocrats | |
n.技术专家,专家政治论者( technocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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30 travails | |
n.艰苦劳动( travail的名词复数 );辛勤努力;痛苦;分娩的阵痛 | |
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31 folly | |
n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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32 hooted | |
(使)作汽笛声响,作汽车喇叭声( hoot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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33 socialist | |
n.社会主义者;adj.社会主义的 | |
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34 collapse | |
vi.累倒;昏倒;倒塌;塌陷 | |
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35 trump | |
n.王牌,法宝;v.打出王牌,吹喇叭 | |
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36 quirks | |
n.奇事,巧合( quirk的名词复数 );怪癖 | |
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37 ferociously | |
野蛮地,残忍地 | |
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38 apathy | |
n.漠不关心,无动于衷;冷淡 | |
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39 peddling | |
忙于琐事的,无关紧要的 | |
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40 secede | |
v.退出,脱离 | |
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