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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Lexington
Mr Castro goes to Washington
A rising Hispanic star ponders how to reconcile Americans with the federal government
WHEN it came to selling the Great Society, President Lyndon Johnson did not hold back. In his telling he was offering a new republic, shriven of racial hatreds1 and purged2 of poverty, built by farsighted technocrats3 and legislators upon mountains of federal cash. As he signed one of several laws to create and fund a Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), Johnson called it “the Magna Carta to liberate4 our cities”. He promised model housing to replace slums, rent subsidies5 for the poor and loans to turn working men into homeowners. HUD's work, declared LBJ, would “raise up a new America”.
The euphoria did not last long. Half a century on, the Great Society's legacy6 is bitterly contested. The left shudders7 to imagine America without its welfare schemes and anti-discrimination rules. The right calls LBJ's legacy a failed experiment in social engineering, trapping millions in listless dependency.
As a result, an interesting political test faces Julián Castro, a young Texan Democrat8 summoned this summer to Washington as HUD secretary, joining Barack Obama's cabinet a few weeks before his 40th birthday. Mr Castro has been a label-defying prodigy9 since he was elected mayor of San Antonio, the second-most-populous city in Texas, in 2009. He is Hispanic, brought up by a single mother who was a fiery10 campaigner for Mexican-American rights. Yet Mr Castro is no radical11. Giving the keynote address at the Democratic National Convention in 2012 (prompting comparisons with Barack Obama, who secured instant fame at the convention eight years earlier) he spoke12 of his immigrant grandmother who dropped out of school to support her family as a maid and cook, and taught herself to read and write. For Mr Castro, this was not a sob-story but a lesson about hard work and American opportunity. Texas is a place where people actually still have bootstraps, he told delegates, and—with a bit of help from society—“we expectfolks to pull themselves up by them.”
He credits affirmative action with helping13 him and his identical twin brother Joaquín (since 2013 a member of Congress for San Antonio) to travel together from a city high school to Stanford University, then Harvard Law School. But ethnic14 labels do not easily capture him. He grew up speaking English (he began discreet15 Spanish lessons as mayor). Dapper and a bit prim16, he could be a corporate17 lawyer. He urges Democrats18 not to take a monolithic19 Hispanic vote for granted. That is good advice and, from him, heartfelt. Many saw him running for governor of Texas in 2018, by which time some glibly20 asserted that a soaring Latino population would turn the state Democratic. Yet in November's elections 44% of Texan Hispanic voters backed a Republican for governor: the state will be conservative for a while yet.
Mr Castro made his name in San Antonio by pulling off a progressive's dream: persuading Hispanic and Anglo residents to back a new tax to finance pre-school classes for poor and immigrant four-year-olds. He built a coalition21 uniting low-income parents with business bosses, and held a referendum to secure an explicit22 mandate23. To counter shrink-the-government types who grumbled24 about expensive “babysitting”, he promised to test the scheme's outcomes, measuring pupils' progress in future years.
His problem-solving style has caught the eye of Bill and Hillary Clinton. The couple invited the young Texan to dine at their home in Washington before his swearing-in as HUD secretary. That sparked headlines about a possible Clinton-Castro presidential ticket in 2016. Serving as a cabinet secretary will give Mr Castro national experience. And with 50m Hispanics in America, almost half of whom are eligible25 to vote, Latino stars are in demand (just ask such Republicans as Senator Marco Rubio of Florida). For all that, running a chunk26 of the Great Society carries risks, in an age when Washington is reviled27 and reformers call states and city halls the only places where interesting policies thrive. For almost 20 years Republican presidential candidates have growled29 about abolishing HUD. Conservatives call it an outdated30 backwater whose funds should be sent directly to the states, so that decisions are taken by politicians who live among regular folk, not Washington know-alls. Its budgets have been squeezed sincet
he days of Ronald Reagan, who famously failed to recognise his own HUD secretary at a White House gathering31, hailing him with a cheery-but-vague “Mr Mayor!”
Still a mayor at heart
Mr Castro seems to be trying something intriguing32: treating HUD like a city hall, which (like the government of any metropolis) must impress voters with very different world-views and needs. On a recent two-day visit to Austin, Texas he was frank about HUD's constraints33. Every year, 10,000 public-housing units are lost to disrepair. Nowadays most restoration projects require private or charitable partners. But private buy-in is a positive sign, Mr Castro says. He sees the federal government as a “catalyst” and a “referee”, stepping in when some states fail those who need help. To secure broad consent for public investments, he wants HUD to measure outcomes better, for instance tracking high-school graduation rates of children in public housing. He enthuses about local innovations, telling a conference of city officials: “My business card may say HUD secretary, but I'm still a mayor at heart.”
As a national politician, Mr Castro is a work in progress. He can be oddly stiff. In Austin he toured a branch of a youth club active in tough inner-cities. “You're in our Hall of Fame!” staff cried, noting that Mr Castro had used the club as a boy. “Thank y'all for the great work y'all do,” Mr Castro said earnestly. It was polite—but, oh, the tales Bill Clinton would have spun34. Off-the-record he is candid28, profane35 and shrewd, and should let more of that show. Still his data-driven, coalition-building instincts are timely: the national mood is too sour for LBJ swagger. While others yearn36 to tug37 his party far to the populist left, Mr Castro favours “aspirational, collaborative” politics. Democrats need more like him.
1 hatreds | |
n.仇恨,憎恶( hatred的名词复数 );厌恶的事 | |
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2 purged | |
清除(政敌等)( purge的过去式和过去分词 ); 涤除(罪恶等); 净化(心灵、风气等); 消除(错事等)的不良影响 | |
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3 technocrats | |
n.技术专家,专家政治论者( technocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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4 liberate | |
v.解放,使获得自由,释出,放出;vt.解放,使获自由 | |
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5 subsidies | |
n.补贴,津贴,补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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6 legacy | |
n.遗产,遗赠;先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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7 shudders | |
n.颤动,打颤,战栗( shudder的名词复数 )v.战栗( shudder的第三人称单数 );发抖;(机器、车辆等)突然震动;颤动 | |
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8 democrat | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士;民主党党员 | |
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9 prodigy | |
n.惊人的事物,奇迹,神童,天才,预兆 | |
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10 fiery | |
adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
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11 radical | |
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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12 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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13 helping | |
n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的,辅助的 | |
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14 ethnic | |
adj.人种的,种族的,异教徒的 | |
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15 discreet | |
adj.(言行)谨慎的;慎重的;有判断力的 | |
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16 prim | |
adj.拘泥形式的,一本正经的;n.循规蹈矩,整洁;adv.循规蹈矩地,整洁地 | |
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17 corporate | |
adj.共同的,全体的;公司的,企业的 | |
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18 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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19 monolithic | |
adj.似独块巨石的;整体的 | |
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20 glibly | |
adv.流利地,流畅地;满口 | |
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21 coalition | |
n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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22 explicit | |
adj.详述的,明确的;坦率的;显然的 | |
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23 mandate | |
n.托管地;命令,指示 | |
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24 grumbled | |
抱怨( grumble的过去式和过去分词 ); 发牢骚; 咕哝; 发哼声 | |
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25 eligible | |
adj.有条件被选中的;(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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26 chunk | |
n.厚片,大块,相当大的部分(数量) | |
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27 reviled | |
v.辱骂,痛斥( revile的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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28 candid | |
adj.公正的,正直的;坦率的 | |
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29 growled | |
v.(动物)发狺狺声, (雷)作隆隆声( growl的过去式和过去分词 );低声咆哮着说 | |
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30 outdated | |
adj.旧式的,落伍的,过时的;v.使过时 | |
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31 gathering | |
n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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32 intriguing | |
adj.有趣的;迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词);激起…的好奇心 | |
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33 constraints | |
强制( constraint的名词复数 ); 限制; 约束 | |
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34 spun | |
v.纺,杜撰,急转身 | |
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35 profane | |
adj.亵神的,亵渎的;vt.亵渎,玷污 | |
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36 yearn | |
v.想念;怀念;渴望 | |
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37 tug | |
v.用力拖(或拉);苦干;n.拖;苦干;拖船 | |
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