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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Past U.S. policy toward Russia looms1 over how Biden confronts Putin on Ukraine
Russian President Vladimir Putin shakes hands with President Biden prior to a U.S.-Russia summit in Geneva in June.
Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images
President Biden is leaning into his history with Russia as he confronts the crisis in Ukraine.
Early in his State of the Union address, the president addressed a challenge that many of those who have previously3 faced the Russian leader say is at the crux4 of Biden's current problems with Vladimir Putin.
"Throughout our history we've learned this lesson — when dictators do not pay a price for their aggression5, they cause more chaos," Biden said. "They keep moving. And, the costs and threats to America and the world keep rising."
Republican critics say the chaotic6 U.S. withdrawal7 from Afghanistan emboldened8 Putin, who had put troops on the border well before the Afghan debacle, to attack Ukraine. But government advisers10 and former U.S. officials from Republican and Democratic administrations say the bigger problem is how the United States and allies have handled past Russian incursions since the mid-2000s — and whether it was possible to stop Putin from doing what he has signaled he will do for more than a decade.
Putin's long-held concerns
Russia has claimed that NATO's eastward11 expansion was a reneging of commitments made to it during the collapse12 of the Soviet13 Union.
Fifteen years ago, Putin delivered a fiery14 speech to the Munich Security Conference seething15 about the alliance adding members.
"It represents a serious provocation16 that reduces the level of mutual17 trust," he told world leaders. "And we have the right to ask: Against whom is this expansion intended?"
That speech set the stage for what came next: A year later, in 2008, Russia invaded Georgia. In 2014, it annexed18 Ukraine's Crimea, and later backed separatists in eastern Ukraine.
The United States and allies repeatedly condemned19 Russia's actions and imposed harsh economic sanctions on Moscow.
But little changed.
Heather Conley, a former State Department official in the George W. Bush administration, said the Western measures were simply not strong enough and filled with loopholes.
"How the United States and European countries do sanctions, the long, slow turning up the temperature, it's just ineffective," said Conley, who is now the president of the German Marshall Fund.
Warnings go unheeded
Biden tried to warn Putin publicly and privately20 that invading Ukraine would be disastrous21 for the Russian economy and hurt the Russian leader's standing22 in the world.
"There were no minced23 words. It was polite, but I made it very clear: If in fact, he invades Ukraine, there'll be severe consequences," Biden told reporters the morning after a call in early December.
A senior administration official said they'd been making the case to Putin, privately and publicly, for months.
"That is part of why [CIA] Director [William] Burns went to Moscow on Nov. 2 to say to Putin and his inner circle, 1) 'We see what you're doing.' And, 2) 'These will be the consequences.' "
National security adviser9 Jake Sullivan made the point publicly in December after Biden and Putin spoke24.
"I will look you in the eye and tell you, as President Biden looked Putin in the eye and told him today, that things we did not do in 2014 we are prepared to do now," Sullivan told reporters in December.
But it did not change Putin's plans. The Russian leader even said he expected more sanctions in a speech announcing the invasion.
The Biden administration is now haunted by the unwillingness25 of earlier administrations not taking a strong enough stand, said Andrea Kendall-Taylor, who advised the Biden transition team on Russia policy.
"The proof is in the pudding," said Kendall-Taylor, who is now director of the Transatlantic Security Program at the Center for a New American Security. "The fact that we are here again suggests that the costs of the past have not been significant enough for President Putin. I think that is a hard lesson that many folks in this administration learned during the Obama administration."
Like Biden, who was vice26 president at the time, many of his top aides also wrestled27 with the 2014 annexation28 of Crimea during the Obama administration. Secretary of State Antony Blinken was then deputy secretary of state. Sullivan worked with Biden in the vice president's office. Other top diplomats29, including Wendy Sherman, Victoria Nuland and Amanda Sloat, also served in senior roles at the State Department.
Kendall-Taylor said that the administration clearly learned lessons from the experience, citing the unprecedented30 level of sanctions that have since been imposed against Russia — largely cutting it off from the global economy.
New package of sanctions is severe. At the same time, no one should have any illusions that these sanctions will change Putin's thinking or actions anytime soon. Their effectiveness, tragically32, will have to be measured over years, not weeks or months.
— Michael McFaul (@McFaul) February 24, 2022
The release of strategic intelligence
The senior administration told NPR that the experience provided other lessons that helped expose Putin's false pretenses33 for war.
The official said they were determined34 not to allow Russians to exploit "the information space" and use the "fog of war" to sow confusion and advance their strategic objectives.
"Throughout this crisis, we have made a concerted determination that we are not going to cede31 that space," the official said, noting the strategic release of intelligence to allies and the general public. "We're going to take the fight to them in the information space."
But that history also hasn't stopped questions about whether Biden could have acted earlier to stop Putin.
Samuel Charap, who was a top adviser in the Obama administration, says it's wrong to blame Biden for Putin's actions, but questioned whether the United States could have been more creative in addressing more of Putin's requests.
One of Putin's key demands was that Ukraine not be admitted into NATO.
The United States has made clear that NATO's open door policy, that allows any qualified35 European country to join, was not changing, but Charap points out that allies have taken few steps to admit Ukraine into the bloc36.
"There is a case to be made that the U.S. should have put more things on the table because the consequences of this conflict are going to be so tremendous," said Charap, who is now a senior analyst37 at the Rand Corp.
A senior administration official said NATO's policy is not changing, but Biden has also said the idea that "Ukraine is going to join NATO in the near term is not very likely."
The official said the reality is Putin has "very publicly and very explicitly," long before the Biden administration, stated the plans that he's now carrying out.
1 looms | |
n.织布机( loom的名词复数 )v.隐约出现,阴森地逼近( loom的第三人称单数 );隐约出现,阴森地逼近 | |
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2 transcript | |
n.抄本,誊本,副本,肄业证书 | |
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3 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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4 crux | |
adj.十字形;难事,关键,最重要点 | |
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5 aggression | |
n.进攻,侵略,侵犯,侵害 | |
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6 chaotic | |
adj.混沌的,一片混乱的,一团糟的 | |
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7 withdrawal | |
n.取回,提款;撤退,撤军;收回,撤销 | |
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8 emboldened | |
v.鼓励,使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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9 adviser | |
n.劝告者,顾问 | |
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10 advisers | |
顾问,劝告者( adviser的名词复数 ); (指导大学新生学科问题等的)指导教授 | |
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11 eastward | |
adv.向东;adj.向东的;n.东方,东部 | |
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12 collapse | |
vi.累倒;昏倒;倒塌;塌陷 | |
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13 Soviet | |
adj.苏联的,苏维埃的;n.苏维埃 | |
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14 fiery | |
adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
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15 seething | |
沸腾的,火热的 | |
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16 provocation | |
n.激怒,刺激,挑拨,挑衅的事物,激怒的原因 | |
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17 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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18 annexed | |
[法] 附加的,附属的 | |
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19 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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20 privately | |
adv.以私人的身份,悄悄地,私下地 | |
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21 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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22 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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23 minced | |
v.切碎( mince的过去式和过去分词 );剁碎;绞碎;用绞肉机绞(食物,尤指肉) | |
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24 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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25 unwillingness | |
n. 不愿意,不情愿 | |
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26 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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27 wrestled | |
v.(与某人)搏斗( wrestle的过去式和过去分词 );扭成一团;扭打;(与…)摔跤 | |
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28 annexation | |
n.吞并,合并 | |
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29 diplomats | |
n.外交官( diplomat的名词复数 );有手腕的人,善于交际的人 | |
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30 unprecedented | |
adj.无前例的,新奇的 | |
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31 cede | |
v.割让,放弃 | |
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32 tragically | |
adv. 悲剧地,悲惨地 | |
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33 pretenses | |
n.借口(pretense的复数形式) | |
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34 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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35 qualified | |
adj.合格的,有资格的,胜任的,有限制的 | |
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36 bloc | |
n.集团;联盟 | |
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37 analyst | |
n.分析家,化验员;心理分析学家 | |
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