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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
NOEL KING, HOST:
The 2010s in Europe started with a financial crisis that threatened to break up the European Union. In the middle of the decade, more than a million migrants from the Middle East arrived. And at the end of the decade, populist movements are now threatening European cohesion1. Through it all, there has been Germany's chancellor2 - Angela Merkel. But Merkel says she won't seek re-election in 2021, and she's already stepped down as leader of her Christian3 Democratic party. NPR's Rob Schmitz has this review of Merkel's decade.
ROB SCHMITZ, BYLINE4: Angela Merkel is not a passionate5 speaker. She doesn't arouse the public with big ideas or big promises. Her personality probably wouldn't make her a great candidate for, say, president of the U.S. But, says Merkel biographer Stefan Kornelius, her quiet, technocratic6 style through the past decade has been a perfect fit for Germany.
STEFAN KORNELIUS: People don't want to have the sort of visionary thing and being led with flying flags. They just want to have predictability and the guarantee that things are calm and under control. And she gave that guarantee for pretty much all of her rule.
SCHMITZ: And she's done so through a decade when Europe's cohesion was constantly under threat.
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CHANCELLOR ANGELA MERKEL: (Speaking German).
SCHMITZ: July 2015 - Merkel takes the podium at the Bundestag, Germany's parliament, and argues for a third financial bailout for Greece. The decade began with the financial crisis that impacted the EU. The economy of Greece falls apart, unemployment is on the rise, and violent protests are on the streets of Athens. By the summer of 2015, Greece is on the verge7 of leaving the Eurozone.
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MERKEL: (Speaking German).
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SCHMITZ: Merkel tells her government they cannot sit back and watch. And they didn't. Greece was bailed8 out, and the EU held together.
JOSEF JANNING: You know, Merkel's approach was to do whatever it takes to prevent the EU from falling apart.
SCHMITZ: Josef Janning is a former senior policy fellow of the European Council on Foreign Relations.
JANNING: She has been remarkably9 successful - because there were severe crises; there were profound challenges to the integrity and the coherence10 of the EU. And it survived.
SCHMITZ: Among the tough decisions she's made in the past decade - phasing out nuclear power after the Fukushima disaster, standing11 up to Putin when Russia annexed12 Crimea from Ukraine and allowing around a million war refugees to resettle in Germany.
However, Janning says, many of these decisions did not go far enough. He says after the Greek debt crisis, Merkel could have fought to strengthen the EU's fiscal13 authority over member states, but she didn't. In the wake of the refugee crisis, she could have worked harder to achieve a common EU immigration and asylum14 legislation, agency and border police to manage the issue. But that eluded15 her as well. Senior Brookings fellow Constanze Stelzenmuller says Merkel's hallmark style of solving problems through compromise, always choosing a middle path, may have prevented lasting16 solutions to Europe's biggest problems.
CONSTANZE STELZENMULLER: Merkel, like Clinton - and I think in this, she imitated Clinton - espoused17 a kind of technocratic, there-is-no-alternative centrism that took the belief and the identity factor out of politics - or rather, pushed it to the sidelines, where it was taken up by the extremists.
SCHMITZ: And those extremists, says Stelzenmuller, have gained ground during a leadership that has put compromise ahead of ideology18. The right-wing AfD party is more popular than ever in Germany. And now, at the end of the decade, many EU countries are run by populist leaders who see Merkel's leadership as outdated19, says Josef Janning.
JANNING: They reject this ultra-pragmatic bargaining approach and rather create disruption by breaking with the rules, breaking with the establishment, breaking with the institutions of the parties in their own countries and rather concentrating a lot of power on themselves and on a leadership circle around them.
SCHMITZ: And these threats to democracy are precisely20 why Merkel has been a crucial leader in the past decade, argues Stefan Kornelius.
KORNELIUS: She will stand as an example on how democracy lives from compromise, from finding the middle ground, from not overreaching and definitely not from arousing people wherever you step and go.
SCHMITZ: Kornelius says Merkel has kept alight the flame of liberal democracy during a decade when the foundation of democracy was shaken, when populists were on the rise and when the West, as a unifying21 ideal with the U.S. at its helm, was collapsing22.
Rob Schmitz, NPR News, Berlin.
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1 cohesion | |
n.团结,凝结力 | |
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2 chancellor | |
n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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3 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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4 byline | |
n.署名;v.署名 | |
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5 passionate | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,激昂的,易动情的,易怒的,性情暴躁的 | |
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6 technocratic | |
adj.由技术专家官员组成的;受技术官僚影响的 | |
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7 verge | |
n.边,边缘;v.接近,濒临 | |
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8 bailed | |
保释,帮助脱离困境( bail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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9 remarkably | |
ad.不同寻常地,相当地 | |
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10 coherence | |
n.紧凑;连贯;一致性 | |
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11 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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12 annexed | |
[法] 附加的,附属的 | |
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13 fiscal | |
adj.财政的,会计的,国库的,国库岁入的 | |
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14 asylum | |
n.避难所,庇护所,避难 | |
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15 eluded | |
v.(尤指机敏地)避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 );逃避;躲避;使达不到 | |
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16 lasting | |
adj.永久的,永恒的;vbl.持续,维持 | |
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17 espoused | |
v.(决定)支持,拥护(目标、主张等)( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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18 ideology | |
n.意识形态,(政治或社会的)思想意识 | |
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19 outdated | |
adj.旧式的,落伍的,过时的;v.使过时 | |
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20 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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21 unifying | |
使联合( unify的现在分词 ); 使相同; 使一致; 统一 | |
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22 collapsing | |
压扁[平],毁坏,断裂 | |
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