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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
美国人代表什么？ What is an American ?
Harold Ickes
May 18, 1941
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This remarkable1 speech was delivered during an "I am an American" day meeting in New York's Central Park by Harold Ickes, President Franklin D. Roosevelt's Secretary of the Interior. It came at a perilous2 moment in history, May of 1941, when Adolf Hitler and the Nazis4 seemed headed toward possible world domination.
By this time, countries that had fallen to the Nazis included: Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway, Denmark, France, Belgium, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and areas in North Africa. Airfields5 and cities in England were now under ferocious6 air attack from the German Luftwaffe while wolf-packs of Nazi3 U-boats attempted to blockade the British Isles8.
Many Americans, however, still questioned the wisdom and necessity of direct U.S. involvement in the European War. Pacifist sentiment was growing, while at the same time Fascism was sometimes referred to as the "wave of the future" by respected Americans, amid the onslaught of effective anti-democratic Fascist9 propaganda.
In this speech, Harold Ickes counters that propaganda, defines what it means to be a free American, and offers a blunt assessment10 of the perilous future the U.S. would face standing11 alone against a victorious12 Hitler.
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Harold Ickes:
I want to ask a few simple questions. And then I shall answer them.
What has happened to our vaunted idealism? Why have some of us been behaving like scared chickens? Where is the million-throated, democratic voice of America?
For years it has been dinned13 into us that we are a weak nation; that we are an inefficient14 people; that we are simple-minded. For years we have been told that we are beaten, decayed, and that no part of the world belongs to us any longer.
Some amongst us have fallen for this carefully pickled tripe15. Some amongst us have fallen for this calculated poison. Some amongst us have begun to preach that the "wave of the future" has passed over us and left us a wet, dead fish.
They shout--from public platforms in printed pages, through the microphones--that it is futile16 to oppose the "wave of the future." They cry that we Americans, we free Americans nourished on Magna Carta and the Declaration of Independence, hold moth-eaten ideas. They exclaim that there is no room for free men in the world any more and that only the slaves will inherit the earth. America--the America of Washington and Jefferson and Lincoln and Walt Whitman--they say, is waiting for the undertaker and all the hopes and aspirations17 that have gone into the making of America are dead too.
However, my fellow citizens, this is not the real point of the story. The real point--the shameful18 point--is that many of us are listening to them and some of us almost believe them.
I say that it is time for the great American people to raise its voice and cry out in mighty19 triumph what it is to be an American. And why it is that only Americans, with the aid of our brave allies--yes, let's call them "allies"--the British, can and will build the only future worth having. I mean a future, not of concentration camps, not of physical torture and mental straitjackets, not of sawdust bread or of sawdust Caesars--I mean a future when free men will live free lives in dignity and in security.
This tide of the future, the democratic future, is ours. It is ours if we show ourselves worthy20 of our culture and of our heritage.
But make no mistake about it; the tide of the democratic future is not like the ocean tide--regular, relentless21, and inevitable22. Nothing in human affairs is mechanical or inevitable. Nor are Americans mechanical. They are very human indeed.
What constitutes an American? Not color nor race nor religion. Not the pedigree of his family nor the place of his birth. Not the coincidence of his citizenship23. Not his social status nor his bank account. Not his trade nor his profession. An American is one who loves justice and believes in the dignity of man. An American is one who will fight for his freedom and that of his neighbor. An American is one who will sacrifice property, ease and security in order that he and his children may retain the rights of free men. An American is one in whose heart is engraved24 the immortal25 second sentence of the Declaration of Independence.
Americans have always known how to fight for their rights and their way of life. Americans are not afraid to fight. They fight joyously26 in a just cause.
We Americans know that freedom, like peace, is indivisible. We cannot retain our liberty if three-fourths of the world is enslaved. Brutality27, injustice28 and slavery, if practiced as dictators would have them, universally and systematically29, in the long run would destroy us as surely as a fire raging in our nearby neighbor's house would burn ours if we didn't help to put out his.
If we are to retain our own freedom, we must do everything within our power to aid Britain. We must also do everything to restore to the conquered peoples their freedom. This means the Germans too.
Such a program, if you stop to think, is selfishness on our part. It is the sort of enlightened selfishness that makes the wheels of history go around. It is the sort of enlightened selfishness that wins victories.
Do you know why? Because we cannot live in the world alone, without friends and without allies. If Britain should be defeated, then the totalitarian undertaker will prepare to hang crepe on the door of our own independence.
Perhaps you wonder how this could come about? Perhaps you have heard "them"--the wavers of the future--cry, with calculated malice30, that even if Britain were defeated we could live alone and defend ourselves single handed, even against the whole world.
I tell you that this is a cold blooded lie.
We would be alone in the world, facing an unscrupulous military-economic bloc7 that would dominate all of Europe, all of Africa, most of Asia, and perhaps even Russia and South America. Even to do that, we would have to spend most of our national income on tanks and guns and planes and ships. Nor would this be all. We would have to live perpetually as an armed camp, maintaining a huge standing army, a gigantic air force, two vast navies. And we could not do this without endangering our freedom, our democracy, our way of life.
Perhaps such is the America "they"--the wavers of the future--foresee. Perhaps such is the America that a certain aviator31, with his contempt for democracy, would prefer. Perhaps such is the America that a certain Senator desires. Perhaps such is the America that a certain mail order executive longs for.
But a perpetually militarized, isolated32 and impoverished33 America is not the America that our fathers came here to build.
It is not the America that has been the dream and the hope of countless34 generations in all parts of the world.
It is not the America that one hundred and thirty million of us would care to live in.
The continued security of our country demands that we aid the enslaved millions of Europe--yes, even of Germany--to win back their liberty and independence. I am convinced that if we do not embark35 upon such a program we will lose our own freedom.
We should be clear on this point. What is convulsing the world today is not merely another old-fashioned war. It is a counter revolution against our ideas and ideals, against our sense of justice and our human values.
Three systems today compete for world domination. Communism, fascism, and democracy are struggling for social-economic-political world control. As the conflict sharpens, it becomes clear that the other two, fascism and communism, are merging36 into one. They have one common enemy, democracy. They have one common goal, the destruction of democracy.
This is why this war is not an ordinary war. It is not a conflict for markets or territories. It is a desperate struggle for the possession of the souls of men.
This is why the British are not fighting for themselves alone. They are fighting to preserve freedom for mankind. For the moment, the battleground is the British Isles. But they are fighting our war; they are the first soldiers in trenches37 that are also our front-line trenches.
In this world war of ideas and of loyalties38 we believers in democracy must do two things. We must unite our forces to form one great democratic international. We must offer a clear program to freedom-loving peoples throughout the world.
Freedom-loving men and women in every land must organize and tighten39 their ranks. The masses everywhere must be helped to fight their oppressors and conquerors40.
We, free, democratic Americans are in a position to help. We know that the spirit of freedom never dies. We know that men have fought and bled for freedom since time immemorial. We realize that the liberty-loving German people are only temporarily enslaved. We do not doubt that the Italian people are looking forward to the appearance of another Garibaldi. We know how the Poles have for centuries maintained a heroic resistance against tyranny. We remember the brave struggle of the Hungarians under Kossuth and other leaders. We recall the heroic figure of Masaryk and the gallant41 fight for freedom of the Czech people. The story of the Yugoslavs', especially the Serbs' blows for liberty and independence is a saga42 of extraordinary heroism43. The Greeks will stand again at Thermopylae, as they have in the past. The annals of our American sister-republics, too, are glorious with freedom-inspiring exploits. The noble figure of Simon Bolivar, the great South American liberator44, has naturally been compared with that of George Washington.
No, liberty never dies. The Genghis Khans come and go. The Attilas come and go. The Hitlers flash and sputter45 out. But freedom endures.
Destroy a whole generation of those who have known how to walk with heads erect46 in God's free air, and the next generation will rise against the oppressors and restore freedom. Today in Europe, the Nazi Attila may gloat that he has destroyed democracy. He is wrong. In small farmhouses47 all over Central Europe, in the shops of Germany and Italy, on the docks of Holland and Belgium, freedom still lives in the hearts of men. It will endure like a hardy48 tree gone into the wintertime, awaiting the spring.
And, like spring, spreading from the South into Scandinavia, the democratic revolution will come. And men with democratic hearts will experience comradeship across artificial boundaries.
These men and women, hundreds of millions of them, now in bondage49 or threatened with slavery, are our comrades and our allies. They are only waiting for our leadership and our encouragement, for the spark that we can supply.
These hundreds of millions, of liberty-loving people, now oppressed, constitute the greatest sixth column in history. They have the will to destroy the Nazi gangsters50.
We have always helped in struggles for human freedom. And we will help again. But our hundreds of millions of liberty-loving allies would despair if we did not provide aid and encouragement. The quicker we help them the sooner this dreadful revolution will be over. We cannot, we must not, we dare not delay much longer.
The fight for Britain is in its crucial stages. We must give the British everything we have. And by everything, I mean everything needed to beat the life out of our common enemy.
The second step must be to aid and encourage our friends and allies everywhere. And by everywhere I mean Europe and Asia and Africa and America.
And finally, the most important of all, we Americans must gird spiritually for the battle. We must dispel51 the fog of uncertainty52 and vacillation53. We must greet with raucous54 laughter the corroding55 arguments of our appeasers and fascists56. They doubt democracy. We affirm it triumphantly57 so that all the world may hear:
Here in America we have something so worth living for that it is worth dying for! The so-called "wave of the future" is but the slimy backwash of the past. We have not heaved from our necks the tyrant's crushing heel, only to stretch our necks out again for its weight. Not only will we fight for democracy, we will make it more worth fighting for. Under our free institutions, we will work for the good of mankind, including Hitler's victims in Germany, so that all may have plenty and security.
We American democrats58 know that when good will prevails among men there will be a world of plenty and a world of security.
In the words of Winston Churchill, "Are we downhearted," No, we arc not! But someone is downhearted! Witness the terrified flight of Hess, Hitler's Number Three Man. And listen to this--listen carefully:
"The British nation can be counted upon to carry through to victory any struggle that it once enters upon no matter how long such a struggle may last or however great the sacrifices that may be necessary or whatever the means that have to be employed; and all this even though the actual military equipment at hand may be utterly59 inadequate60 when compared with that of other nations."
Do you know who wrote that? Adolf Hitler in Mein Kampf. And do you know who took down that dictation? Rudolf Hess.
We will help to make Hitler's prophecy come true. We will help brave England drive back the hordes61 from Hell who besiege62 her and then we will join for the destruction of savage63 and blood-thirsty dictators everywhere. But we must be firm and decisive. We must know our will and make it felt. And we must hurry.
Harold Ickes - May 18, 1941
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1
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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Nazi
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| n.纳粹分子，adj.纳粹党的，纳粹的 | |
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Nazis
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| n.（德国的）纳粹党员( Nazi的名词复数 )；纳粹主义 | |
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airfields
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| n.（较小的无建筑的）飞机场( airfield的名词复数 ) | |
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ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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bloc
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| n.集团；联盟 | |
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isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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fascist
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| adj.法西斯主义的；法西斯党的；n.法西斯主义者，法西斯分子 | |
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assessment
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| n.评价；评估；对财产的估价，被估定的金额 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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dinned
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| vt.喧闹（din的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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tripe
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| n.废话，肚子, 内脏 | |
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futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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relentless
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| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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joyously
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| ad.快乐地, 高兴地 | |
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brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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aviator
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| n.飞行家，飞行员 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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merging
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| 合并（分类） | |
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trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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loyalties
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| n.忠诚( loyalty的名词复数 )；忠心；忠于…感情；要忠于…的强烈感情 | |
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tighten
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| v.(使)变紧；(使)绷紧 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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saga
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| n.(尤指中世纪北欧海盗的)故事，英雄传奇 | |
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heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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liberator
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| 解放者 | |
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sputter
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| n.喷溅声；v.喷溅 | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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farmhouses
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| n.农舍，农场的主要住房( farmhouse的名词复数 ) | |
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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gangsters
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| 匪徒，歹徒( gangster的名词复数 ) | |
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51
dispel
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| vt.驱走，驱散，消除 | |
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uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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vacillation
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| n.动摇；忧柔寡断 | |
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raucous
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| adj.(声音)沙哑的，粗糙的 | |
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corroding
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| 使腐蚀，侵蚀( corrode的现在分词 ) | |
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fascists
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| n.法西斯主义的支持者( fascist的名词复数 ) | |
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triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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hordes
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| n.移动着的一大群( horde的名词复数 )；部落 | |
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besiege
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| vt.包围，围攻，拥在...周围 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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