2019年经济学人 血腥学者易卜拉欣·阿瓦徳(3)（在线收听）

His nom de guerre, coined earlier, anticipated this day: Abu Bakr, the first caliph after Muhammad's death; al-Baghdadi, the Abbasids' capital. The caliphate itself was ordained by Allah, the ultimate means for the ever-bickering Arabs to uniteas a holy nation. They had forgotten it. He would build it. From the moment he had joined al-Qaeda in Iraq in 2005, he had global aims. When, the next year, it reformed into Islamic State of Iraq, he became its propagandist: at first in Nineveh province, then as far as he could get.

他早些时候起的化名，预示了这一天的来临：阿布·巴克尔，穆罕默德死后的第一位哈里发；巴格达迪，阿巴斯王朝的首都。哈里发是由真主阿拉任命的，这是将争吵不休的阿拉伯人团结成一个神圣国家的终极手段。他们已经忘记了。而巴格达迪则会建造它。从2005年在伊拉克加入基地组织的那一刻起，他就有了全球目标。第二年，基地组织改革成了伊拉克伊斯兰国组织，他成为了组织的传播者：起初是在尼尼微省，然后是他所能到的最远的地方。

In 2010 he became its leader; by 2013, he relaunched it as plain Islamic State; by 2014 he had broken from al-Qaeda, rejecting Mr Zawahiri's orders to stay in Iraq. There was too much to do in Syria as it collapsed: coalitions to pursue, fighters to recruit, oilfields and hostages to seize to provide a revenue stream. Assiduously he drew up dossiers of local police and potential donors, looking out for anyone useful, as he had made use of Baathists and Saddam's former officers in Iraq.

2010年，巴格达迪成为了组织的领袖；2013年，他将其重新命名为简单的伊斯兰国；到2014年，他已经离开了基地组织，拒绝了扎瓦希里留在伊拉克的命令。随着叙利亚的崩溃，在那里可以做太多的事情：寻求结盟，招募战士，抢占用以提供收入来源的油田和人质。他勤勉地起草了当地警察和潜在捐赠者的档案，寻找任何有用的人，因为他利用了社会复兴党和萨达姆在伊拉克的前军官。

Meanwhile he targeted flaunters of Islamic law, in beach resorts or nightclubs, no matter. Each strike seemed to draw young men and some youngwomen too, from all corners, to follow the black "I testify" flag. By bold leaps and bounds his potential caliphate grew. In the cities he conquered he set up offices to take in taxes and traffic fines, register babies and licence marriages, as in a proper state.

与此同时，他还把矛头对准了那些宣扬伊斯兰法律的人，无论是在海滩度假胜地还是在夜总会。每次打击似乎都吸引了来自各个角落的年轻男性和一些年轻女性，他们愿意举起“我作证”的旗帜。他潜在的哈里发国飞速发展。在他征服的城市里，他设立了收税和交通罚款的办公室，为婴儿登记和登记结婚，就像在一个正常的国家一样。