时代周刊 伊拉克战后重建会成功吗(3)（在线收听）

In 2014, its fighters seized swaths of territory, including Iraq’s second city, Mosul.

2014年，该集团的士兵占领了包括伊拉克第二大城市摩苏尔在内的大片领土。

With most U.S. combat troops having left the country in 2011, the Iraqi military was badly outgunned, and many fled the jihadists’ path.

由于大多数美国作战部队已于2011年撤离该国，伊拉克军队的装备严重落后于对手，许多人都选择了逃离圣战分子的道路。

Al-Abadi was appointed Prime Minister that year, after at least four Iraqi army divisions collapsed in the face of ISIS.

阿巴迪也是在那年被任命为伊拉克总理的，而在此之前，已经有至少四支伊拉克军队被ISIS击溃。

Many Iraqis blamed al-Abadi’s predecessor Nouri al-Maliki, a hard-line Shi‘ite politician, for leaving alienated Sunnis amenable to ISIS propaganda.

许多伊拉克人都谴责阿巴迪前任努里·马利基——一位强硬的什叶派政治家，声称是他导致少数派的逊尼派人士接受ISIS宣传的。

Dislodging ISIS took over three years.

驱逐ISIS花了伊拉克三年的时间。

The U.S. military rushed forces to Iraq to help turn back the tide.

当初，美军匆匆出兵伊拉克，企图能够扭转局面。

It was a grueling battle; retaking Mosul involved what U.S. commanders called the deadliest urban combat since World War II.

这是一场艰苦的战斗；为了收复摩苏尔，伊拉克上演了一场别美国指挥官们称为二战以来最为致命的城市作战的战争。

Finally, in December, al-Abadi declared victory, congratulating the country for crushing an "enemy that wanted to kill our civilization."

终于，12月，阿巴迪宣布了胜利的消息，祝贺该国粉碎了“那些想要消灭我们的文明的敌人”。

Little more than a month later, he shudders at how close ISIS came to seizing Baghdad itself.

一个多月后，想到ISIS如何差点攻陷首都巴格达，他还是会不寒而栗。

"Do not forget, they tried to establish a state in the region,” he says, sitting in his Baghdad office with a large map of Iraq on the wall.

“别忘了，他们的野心是在这个地区建立一个国家，”坐在他位于巴格达的办公室里的阿巴迪说到，他身后的墙上挂着一幅很大的伊拉克地图。

"And they were not a long distance away from achieving their dream."

“而且，他们离实现他们的梦想就差一步了。”

Al-Abadi now has a much more complex mission: governing his fractured country, while ensuring that ISIS cannot regroup.

阿巴迪现在还有一个更为复杂的任务：他要管理他那已经支离破碎的国家，还要确保ISIS不会重新集结起来。

He must manage the competing interests of Shi‘ites, Sunnis and Kurds,

他必须处理好什叶派、逊尼派和库尔德人之间相互竞争的利益，

and the splits within those groups, as well as the interests of the anti-ISIS coalition, including the U.S. , Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Iran and Jordan.

同时处理好这些团体内部的分歧，还要兼顾包括美国，土耳其，沙特阿拉伯，伊朗和约旦在内的反ISIS同盟的利益。

"Abadi is trying to juggle many different allies,” says Renad Mansour, an Iraq research fellow at the U.K. think tank Chatham House.

“阿巴迪正试图兼顾多方盟友的利益，”英国智库查塔姆大厦的伊拉克研究员雷纳德·曼苏尔说到。

"He is up against a difficult task."

“他的任务非常的艰巨。”

After nearly four years in office, al-Abadi claims he has learned some hard lessons from the disaster of ISIS.

任职近四年后，阿巴迪声称，他已经从ISIS的灾难中吸取到了一些沉痛的教训。

He believes the key to halting another existential threat is to instill in all Iraqis a sense of nationhood,

他认为，要想制止另一个存在主义的威胁，关键就在于向所有伊拉克人灌输一种国家意识，

connecting them to the central government at least as much as to their tribal and religious leaders.

将他们与中央政府联系起来，至少要让他们与政府的关系如同他们与自己所在的部落和宗教领袖的关系一样紧密。

"People must feel part of this country and like they are citizens of this country,” he says.

“人们必须要能感受到他们是这个国家的一部分，是这个国家的公民，”他说。

"At the end of the day, we must deliver to the people."

“说到底，我们必须为人民服务。”

To do that, he will need to tackle perhaps the toughest problem of all: rampant corruption.

要做到这一点，他就要解决最棘手的问题：伊拉克猖獗的腐败问题。

The antigraft organization Transparency International described Iraq in 2015 as suffering "extensive, pervasive corruption across all levels of government and sectors."

2015年，反贪组织“透明国际组织”将伊拉克描述为“各级政府和部门都存在广泛而普遍的腐败问题”。

When al-Abadi took office in 2014, he discovered 50,000 fictitious "ghost soldiers” on the military payroll,

阿巴迪2014年上任时，他在军人工资单上发现了5万名编造的“影子士兵”，

whose commanders were together reaping about $380 million a year.

他们的指挥官每年都能籍此拿到将近3.8亿美元的收入。

In response, he fired several generals and top officials.

作为回应，阿巴迪开除了几名将军和高级官员。