纽约时报 叙利亚酷刑监狱 阿萨德镇压异见人士的血腥手段(3)（在线收听）

In recent months, Syria’s government has tacitly acknowledged that hundreds of people have died in detention.

近几个月，叙利亚政府已经默认有数百人在拘留期间死亡。

Under pressure from Moscow, Damascus has confirmed the deaths of at least several hundred people in custody

在莫斯科施加的压力下，大马士革通过签发死亡证明及在家庭登记档案作亡故处理等方式

by issuing death certificates or listing them as dead in family registration files.

证实了至少有数百名被押人员押禁期间死亡。

The Syrian Network’s founder, Fadel Abdul Ghany, said the move sent citizens a clear message:

“叙利亚网络”的创始人法德尔·阿卜杜勒·加尼表示，政府借此明确地传达了这样一个信息：

“We won, we did this, and no one will punish us.”

“我们赢了，我们做到了，并且，不会有任何人来惩罚我们。”

There is little hope for holding top officials accountable anytime soon.

要在短期内追究叙利亚高层官员的责任几乎无望。

But there is a growing movement to seek justice through European courts.

但通过欧洲的法庭讨回公道的运动正在日渐壮大。

French and German prosecutors have arrested three former security officials

法国和德国的检察官们已经逮捕了三名前叙利亚安全官员，

and issued international arrest warrants for Syria’s national security chief, Ali Mamlouk;

还对叙利亚国家安全部长阿里·曼鲁克，

its Air Force Intelligence director, Jamil Hassan;

叙利亚空军情报总监贾米尔·哈桑，

and others for torture and deaths in prison of citizens or residents of those countries.

以及其他跟这些国家的公民或居民在叙利亚监狱惨遭虐待或死亡脱不了干系的人发出了国际逮捕令。

Yet Mr. al-Assad and his lieutenants remain in power,

尽管如此，阿萨德和他的助手们依然大权在握，

safe from arrest, protected by Russia with its military might and its veto in the United Nations Security Council.

有俄罗斯的军事力量以及联合国安理会否决权的多方保护，他们都能免于被捕。

At the same time, Arab states are restoring relations with Damascus and European countries are considering following suit.

与此同时，阿拉伯国家正在修复与大马士革的关系，欧洲各国也在考虑效仿。

President Trump’s planned pullout of most of the 2,000 American troops in eastern Syria

美国在这场已经迈入第九个年头的冲突中的话语权本就已经微乎其微，

reduces already-minimal American leverage in the conflict, now in its ninth year.

特朗普总统又计划撤出驻扎在叙利亚东部的2000名美国士兵中的大部分兵力，导致美国更加式微。

That impunity is not just a domestic Syrian problem.

问题是，叙利亚政府逍遥法外不只是叙利亚的国内问题。

Without security reforms, the five million Syrian refugees in the Middle East and Europe are unlikely to return home to risk arbitrary arrest.

如果不进行安全改革，中东和欧洲的500万叙利亚难民将不太可能冒着被随意逮捕的风险返回他们的祖国。

And in an age of emboldened authoritarianism from the European far right to Saudi Arabia,

在这个欧洲极右势力到沙特阿拉伯，威权主义都在日益抬头的时代，

Mr. al-Assad has demonstrated that maximum violence against civilian dissent can be a winning strategy.

阿萨德已经证明，对持不同政见的平民施加最残酷的暴力或许是一种制胜之道。

“This will not stay in Syria,” Mazen Darwish, a Syrian human rights lawyer, said in Berlin, where he has assisted prosecutors.

“当前的形势在叙利亚不会持续太久，”在柏林帮助那些检察官的叙利亚人权律师马赞·达维什在柏林说道。

“People forget what is dictatorship, because we have 70 years of peace after World War II. But human rights is not in the DNA of states or politicians.”

“人们已经忘记了什么是独裁，因为二战后我们迎来了长达70年的和平。但国家或政客的骨子里并没有人权这一基因。”

“Justice is not a Syrian luxury,” he said. “It’s the world’s problem.”

“正义并非叙利亚得不到的奢侈品，”他说。“正义是全世界都存在的问题。”

The Syrian detention system is a supersized version of the one built by Mr. al-Assad’s father, President Hafez al-Assad.

叙利亚这一已经超级庞大的拘留系统最初是阿萨德父亲、叙利亚前总统哈菲兹·阿萨德打造起来的。

In 1982, he crushed an armed Muslim Brotherhood uprising in Hama,

1982年，他镇压了哈马的穆斯林兄弟会武装起义，

leveling much of the city and arresting tens of thousands of people: Islamists, leftist dissidents and random Syrians.

夷平了这座城市的大部分地区，还逮捕了无数伊斯兰主义者、左翼异见人士和毫无由头就被逮捕的叙利亚人。