英国卫报：残酷的斗羊世界(10)（在线收听）

French and North African intellectuals condemned his argument as an example of the urge to re-educate the “savage refugee”.

法国和北非知识分子谴责他的论点，认为这是对 "野蛮的难民 "进行再教育的一个例子。

Boudjedra dismisses arguments such as Daoud’s as “trafficked history” – the product of an inferiority complex in a people still struggling to emerge from the psychological bonds of colonisation.

布杰德拉将达乌德等人的论点斥为 "被贩卖的历史"——这是一个仍在努力摆脱殖民化心理束缚的民族的自卑情结的产物。

Boudjedra, meanwhile, is relatively unknown abroad and highly regarded at home.

同时，布杰德拉在国外相对不为人知，而在国内则受到高度评价。

Yet he is also harassed by the very society he seeks to reflect and develop.

然而，他也受到了他试图反映和发展的社会的骚扰。

His latest rage-filled tract, History Traffickers, published by Editions Frantz Fanon in 2017, was derided in the Algerian press for a number of historical and factual inaccuracies.

他最新的充满愤怒的小册子《历史贩子》（History Traffickers）由弗兰兹-法农出版社于2017年出版，因一些历史和事实的不准确而受到阿尔及利亚媒体的嘲笑。

More seriously, last summer, masked men kidnapped him and his wife and forced him to say the Muslim profession of faith on television.

更严重的是，去年夏天，蒙面人绑架了他和他的妻子，强迫他在电视上说穆斯林的信仰宣言。

The incident, it turned out, was a shockingly cruel prank: the kidnappers were a candid camera crew from the state-run Ennahar television TV station.

事实证明，这一事件是一个令人震惊的残酷的恶作剧：绑架者是国营Ennahar电视台的一组抓拍人员。

This stunt occurred shortly after Boudjedra had described himself as an atheist on another TV station, and the timing suggests that what was presented as a “joke” was retaliation for having made this admission.

这场恶作剧发生在布杰德拉在另一家电视台描述自己是无神论者之后不久，从时间上看，被称为 "玩笑 "的事件是对其承认的报复。

(The incident provoked a furious reaction: one journalist wrote on Facebook that it was “an insult to all of the intellectuals in this country, to all the men and women in media, to Algeria, its revolution and its history” – and the director of the channel later apologised for the episode.)

(这一事件引起了愤怒的反应：一位记者在Facebook上写道，这是 "对这个国家所有知识分子的侮辱，对所有媒体人的侮辱，对阿尔及利亚、它的革命和它的历史的侮辱"，该频道的负责人后来为这一事件道歉了）。

I suggested to Oussedik, the sociologist, that Algerians seemed to be a revolutionary people living in a time when no revolution seems possible. “Yes,” she said, “We are smothered.

我向社会学家Oussedik建议，阿尔及利亚人似乎是一个革命的民族，生活在一个似乎不可能发生革命的时代。"是的，"她说，"我们窒息了。

When there is a head that stands out, they either cut it off or push him out.

当有一个人站出来的时候，他们要么把它砍掉，要么把他推出去。

So there are not even any intellectuals to express this.

所以甚至没有任何知识分子来表达这一点。

No one to embody a revolt.”

没有人可以体现出反抗。"

A few weeks after Eid, the retired sheep trainer Sofiane and I drove to Annaba, the sheep fighting capital of Algeria, for the national championship.

开斋节后几周，退休的驯羊师索菲恩和我驱车前往阿尔及利亚的斗羊之都安纳巴，参加全国锦标赛。

(As with the earlier match in El Harrach, Sofiane, maintaining his abstinence from sheep combat, planned to wander off just before the fighting began.)

(和之前在El Harrach的比赛一样，Sofiane坚持不参加斗羊比赛，他计划在战斗开始前离开）。

Each year, a few weeks after Eid, men throng from all over Algeria for the prestigious event, which crowns the winner of a year-long championship with a trophy made of golden cups.

每年开斋节后的几个星期，男人们从阿尔及利亚各地蜂拥而至，参加这个著名的活动，用金杯制成的奖杯为一年来的冠军加冕。

A town of 200,000 on the Mediterranean coast near the border with Tunisia, Annaba is a key departure point for migrants – nearly all of them young men – who set out to cross the Mediterranean in inflatable dinghies.

安纳巴是地中海沿岸靠近突尼斯边境的一个20万人口的小镇，是移民的一个重要出发点——几乎都是年轻男子——他们乘坐充气橡皮艇穿越地中海。

I felt relieved when Sofiane picked me up in a roomy French sedan rather than the Chevrolet he used to transport sheep.

当索菲恩用一辆宽敞的法国轿车而不是他用来运送羊群的雪佛兰来接我时，我感到松了一口气。