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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
By Gary Thomas
Washington, DC
08 February 2007
watch Iran Anniversary report
On February 11th, 1979, the Iranian Revolution began. Later that year, young Iranian revolutionaries seized the U.S. Embassy and took its employees hostage. The United States and Iran have been bitter adversaries1 ever since. VOA correspondent Gary Thomas looks at the Iranian Revolution and its legacy2 at home and abroad.
Like peering at the same object through different lenses, Iran and the West -- particularly the United States -- have profoundly different views of the Iranian Revolution.
For Iranians, it is seen as the toppling of an autocratic monarch3, the Shah of Iran, who had ruled the country with the military and financial support of the United States -- and his replacement4 by an theocratic5 government led by the Ayatollah Khomenei.
For the United States, however, the revolution is inextricably linked to the takeover of the American Embassy in Tehran. Young revolutionaries stormed the compound in November of 1979 and held embassy personnel captive for 444 days.
Gary Sick
Gary Sick was on the National Security Council during the revolution and hostage crisis. He says that for the U.S., it was an initial and deeply shocking introduction to the world of Islamic fundamentalism and the nature of Islamist governments.
"It was the first major crisis that we had on television for a daily treatment of the crisis,” said Sick. “And coming into American living rooms day after day after day with fanatic6 students outside the American embassy shouting, 'Death to America' and waving their fists created an image of Iran -- fanatics7, impossible to deal with, completely uninterested in international law. All of those things that I think now constitute a lot of Americans' working image of Iran."
Many Iranians see the revolution as more of a way of life than a single historical event. The country has gone through some profound changes over the years. In a way, the revolution has come full circle, from Tehran and Washington ignoring each other, back to confrontation8.
A little more than a year after the Iranian Revolution, Iraq attacked Iran in a war that lasted eight years. The United States backed Saddam Hussein in that conflict. Gary Sick says the war changed the direction of the revolution.
"The revolution has taken some really interesting twists and turns. It was very dogmatic and zealous10 and fevered at the beginning of 1980s. Then when Saddam attacked and the war dragged on for eight years, Iran became much more nationalistic and much less interested in supporting the revolution. It became much more concerned about preserving its own national interests and looked like a regular country fighting a war."
Paul Pillar is a former CIA senior analyst11 on the Middle East. He took part in a recent panel discussion on Iran. He said the long, bloody12 war fuels Iran's interest in post-Saddam Iraq to this day.
"It's not surprising that Iran would have a very strong interest in Iraq,” said Pillar. “After all, this is the country that under Saddam Hussein started a war back in 1980 that resulted in hundreds of thousands of Iranian deaths."
The West, led by the United States, insists that Iran now has ambitions to be a nuclear power as well. Iran denies the allegation.
Reva Bhalla is an Iran affairs analyst at the private intelligence firm Stratfor. She says the legacy of the Iran-Iraq war is now driving Iranian ambitions, particularly in Iraq.
"Iraq used to be this Sunni hostile state against Iran, and the memories of the Iran-Iraq war are very vivid in Tehran still today,” Bhalla said. “So to be able to secure its western flank and consolidate13 Shiite control in the country is huge for Iran. And to have the nuclear deterrent14 as well is really going to raise Iran to the status that it has been trying to (achieve) since the Islamic Republic (of Iran) came to be."
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
But Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has not contributed to any soothing15 of tensions between Iran and the West. The former Revolutionary Guard and Iran-Iraq war veteran refuses to bend to America's will.
There have been rumblings of a military confrontation between the U.S. and Iran, but Bush administration officials deny any such action is contemplated16. Still, it makes no secret of its desire to see political change in Iran.
Ken9 Katzman is a Middle East analyst at the non-partisan Congressional Research Service. He says the possibilities of regime change appear to be slim.
"Iranian exile movements are largely discredited17 and not necessarily synchronous18 with U.S. values, and the internal opposition19 in Iran is cowed by the regime and difficult for the U.S. to make contact with. It is also not clear that internal dissenters20 such as labor21 unions, women, intellectuals, and students, want to replace the regime. Many simply want to reform the regime."
Many of the revolutionary billboards22 are gone now… replaced by advertising23. The old U.S. Embassy, though still labeled a "nest of spies,” is now a training school. But the ghosts of the Iranian Revolution still haunt Iran's relations with the West to this day.
1 adversaries | |
n.对手,敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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2 legacy | |
n.遗产,遗赠;先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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3 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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4 replacement | |
n.取代,替换,交换;替代品,代用品 | |
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5 theocratic | |
adj.神权的,神权政治的 | |
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6 fanatic | |
n.狂热者,入迷者;adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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7 fanatics | |
狂热者,入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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8 confrontation | |
n.对抗,对峙,冲突 | |
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9 ken | |
n.视野,知识领域 | |
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10 zealous | |
adj.狂热的,热心的 | |
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11 analyst | |
n.分析家,化验员;心理分析学家 | |
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12 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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13 consolidate | |
v.使加固,使加强;(把...)联为一体,合并 | |
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14 deterrent | |
n.阻碍物,制止物;adj.威慑的,遏制的 | |
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15 soothing | |
adj.慰藉的;使人宽心的;镇静的 | |
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16 contemplated | |
adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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17 discredited | |
不足信的,不名誉的 | |
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18 synchronous | |
adj.同步的 | |
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19 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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20 dissenters | |
n.持异议者,持不同意见者( dissenter的名词复数 ) | |
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21 labor | |
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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22 billboards | |
n.广告牌( billboard的名词复数 ) | |
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23 advertising | |
n.广告业;广告活动 a.广告的;广告业务的 | |
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