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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Bageho
The great game
To improve his grasp of Anglo-Indian relations, David Cameron should watch more cricket
“IT IS in the matter of patience”, wrote Lord Harris, an early England cricket captain and later ruler of the British empire's favourite game, “that I think the Indian will never be equal to the Englishman.” It was interesting to recall this last month as India's batsmen were trouncing England's at Lord's, the north London home of cricket. And that was not all that would have horrified1 Harris who, as a 19th-century governor of Bombay (now Mumbai), was widely credited with introducing cricket to India.
Nothing illustrates2 the turnabout in British-Indian relations more starkly3 than India's financial and political takeover of what was once an English summer game. When India's best cricketers played their first Test match—cricket's gold-seal, five-day format—at Lord's in 1932, around the time Harris delivered his racist4 verdict, they came as hapless colonial subjects. At home they were the idols5 of an unlikely national religion. In England, where it took them four decades to win, India's cricketers were timorous6, poorly paid and uncompetitive. Yet in the 1990s India's growth rate picked up, sparking a sports-media explosion which has transformed the world's second-most-popular game; over 80% of cricket's revenues are now said to be generated in India.
The Indian team that visited England this summer—to play a five-Test series which ended this week—included some of the world's richest sportsmen. Its captain, Mahendra Singh Dhoni, earned $30m last year; hardly any English player made a million. And money buys influence. Holding court at Lord's was a ponderous7 Tamilian, N. Srinivasan, wearing jam-jar glasses and a smear8 of vermilion to denote his high Hindu caste. The boss of India's and the world's governing bodies for cricket, he is the most powerful cricket administrator9 since Harris. He also owns one of India's best cricket teams, the Chennai Super Kings, in the world's fastest-growing sports contest, the Indian Premier10 League.
For David Cameron, a cricket fan, there are lessons here. The Conservative prime minister has made improving British-Indian ties one of his priorities. Cricket, the international arena11 most disrupted by India's rise, suggests how he might attempt that.
The first lesson is that he is right to try. Countries that share a colonial legacy12, including language and culture, should trade together far more prodigiously13 than Britain and India do. Cricket symbolises their bond; no other countries have so defined themselves by it. For eminent14 Victorians, cricket displayed their national virtues15. It was “English, you know quite English,” wrote Harris. That is why their aspiring16 Indian subjects—with little help from Harris—embraced it. And a trace of that anglophilia endures among India's elites17. It was suggested by Mr Srinivasan's emotional response after his team, the world champions of lower-brow one-day cricket, won at Lord's (though they lost the series).
Yet most Indian cricket fans have perhaps never heard of that venerable English ground. Their enthusiasm is almost for a different game, the glitzy, shorter formats18 at which India excels. Cricket represents for them a different national story: India as a “cricket-crazy nation”, a youthful, patriotic19 place, bursting with hope and a desire to consume. This is the India that has got Mr Cameron excited for its economic potential; it will take more than appealing to a common history, in which young Indians are uninterested, to win its love. Taking England's winsome20 cricket captain, Alastair Cook, on the prime minister's next trip to Delhi might help.
A more sobering lesson for Mr Cameron concerns the nature of Indian power, which has bruised21 cricket. India's growing influence has, in large part, been traumatic and divisive to a game which is unusually based on international competition. The collaborative culture that formerly22 governed that, albeit23 tinged24 with Anglo-Australian self-interest and suzerainty, has broken down. What India wants in cricket, concerning the international programme and sales of media rights, or even the rules of the game and its administration, it increasingly gets.
That was clear earlier this year, when India demanded more of the international revenues its team is mainly responsible for generating. This was not unreasonable25; but the threatening way it negotiated, the craven way England and Australia accommodated it, and the resulting impoverishment26 of Pakistan, New Zealand and other poorer cricket nations were contemptible27. What was once an English game, then an international one mapping the former British empire, is India's to command. And this is a worrying prospect28 for cricket, given the match-fixing, infighting and administrative29 chaos30 that are other aspects of the game in India. The fact that Mr Srinivasan, even as he negotiated cricket's new architecture, was suspended from the Indian cricket board while being investigated over corruption31 allegations, seemed indicative of this.
Play hard, play fair
That suggests two final truths for Mr Cameron. First, to expect no favours; India's power brokers32 are ruthless and obdurate33 in cricket and otherwise. Indeed cricket, because of its wealth and popularity, is another facet34 of Indian politics. India's prime minister, Narendra Modi, and finance minister, Arun Jaitley, are among a clutch of Indian politicians leading state cricket associations—which makes the chaos in Indian cricket all the more dismal35.
The second lesson is not to do as England's cricket board did and bow to Indian bullying36. In world trade and climate negotiations37, where India has been unhelpful, and in its recent high-handed treatment of foreign investors38, its bad behaviour should be condemned39 and resisted. Respecting India as a rising power is not the same as pandering40 to its elite's worst compulsions.
If Mr Cameron, whose diplomacy41 tends to veer42 between finger-wagging and love-bombing, cannot see the difference, Indians can. And in a fading corner of their cultural memory, haunted by self-righteous but upstanding Victorians such as Harris, is perhaps a small feeling that the creators of cricket should hold India to a higher standard. Mr Cameron should honour that.
1 horrified | |
a.(表现出)恐惧的 | |
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2 illustrates | |
给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 ); 说明; 表明; (用示例、图画等)说明 | |
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3 starkly | |
adj. 变硬了的,完全的 adv. 完全,实在,简直 | |
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4 racist | |
n.种族主义者,种族主义分子 | |
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5 idols | |
偶像( idol的名词复数 ); 受崇拜的人或物; 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物; 神像 | |
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6 timorous | |
adj.胆怯的,胆小的 | |
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7 ponderous | |
adj.沉重的,笨重的,(文章)冗长的 | |
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8 smear | |
v.涂抹;诽谤,玷污;n.污点;诽谤,污蔑 | |
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9 administrator | |
n.经营管理者,行政官员 | |
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10 premier | |
adj.首要的;n.总理,首相 | |
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11 arena | |
n.竞技场,运动场所;竞争场所,舞台 | |
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12 legacy | |
n.遗产,遗赠;先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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13 prodigiously | |
adv.异常地,惊人地,巨大地 | |
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14 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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15 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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16 aspiring | |
adj.有志气的;有抱负的;高耸的v.渴望;追求 | |
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17 elites | |
精华( elite的名词复数 ); 精锐; 上层集团; (统称)掌权人物 | |
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18 formats | |
n.(出版物的)版式( format的名词复数 );[电视]电视节目的总安排(或计划) | |
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19 patriotic | |
adj.爱国的,有爱国心的 | |
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20 winsome | |
n.迷人的,漂亮的 | |
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21 bruised | |
[医]青肿的,瘀紫的 | |
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22 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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23 albeit | |
conj.即使;纵使;虽然 | |
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24 tinged | |
v.(使)发丁丁声( ting的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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25 unreasonable | |
adj.不讲道理的,不合情理的,过度的 | |
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26 impoverishment | |
n.贫穷,穷困;贫化 | |
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27 contemptible | |
adj.可鄙的,可轻视的,卑劣的 | |
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28 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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29 administrative | |
adj.行政的,管理的 | |
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30 chaos | |
n.混乱,无秩序 | |
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31 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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32 brokers | |
n.(股票、外币等)经纪人( broker的名词复数 );中间人;代理商;(订合同的)中人v.做掮客(或中人等)( broker的第三人称单数 );作为权力经纪人进行谈判;以中间人等身份安排… | |
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33 obdurate | |
adj.固执的,顽固的 | |
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34 facet | |
n.(问题等的)一个方面;(多面体的)面 | |
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35 dismal | |
adj.阴沉的,凄凉的,令人忧郁的,差劲的 | |
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36 bullying | |
v.恐吓,威逼( bully的现在分词 );豪;跋扈 | |
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37 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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38 investors | |
n.投资者,出资者( investor的名词复数 ) | |
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39 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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40 pandering | |
v.迎合(他人的低级趣味或淫欲)( pander的现在分词 );纵容某人;迁就某事物 | |
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41 diplomacy | |
n.外交;外交手腕,交际手腕 | |
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42 veer | |
vt.转向,顺时针转,改变;n.转向 | |
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