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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Obamacare
Experimental medicine
A year after the big launch, is Obamacare working?
TEXAS has a higher share of uninsured citizens than any state in America. Until recently Shane, a 38-year-old from Houston, was one of them. “I just couldn't afford it,” he says. Shane has HIV; his job does not cover him. Because of his illness, insurers would offer him only a costly1 plan with limited benefits. Such discrimination is now illegal. Since January the Affordable2 Care Act, better known as Obamacare, has required insurers to charge the healthy and the sick the same price. For the first time in 20 years, Shane can afford health cover.
Across town, Suezen Salinas is less fortunate. Having recently returned to college, she has no job. Her two children qualify for Medicaid, the public health programme for the poor, but she does not. Texas is one of the nearly two dozen states that did not expand Medicaid, despite Obamacare's offer that the federal government would cover most of the cost. Ms Salinas also earns too little to qualify for Obamacare's subsidies3. So she used some of her college financial aid to buy health cover.
Health care in America is changing, thanks to Obamacare and the efforts of innovative4 private firms (see article). And not before time. America's health system, the world's biggest, involves a tangled5 mess of rules and a hotch-potch of public and private institutions. It combines dazzling technology with minimal6 cost controls and spotty coverage7. In 2012 it left some 48m people uninsured despite gobbling up 17.2% of GDP, a figure that dwarfs8 spending in any other country and has shot up from 4.4% in 1950.
Rather than scrap9 this system, Obamacare rejigs it. It expands Medicaid to include millions of not-quite-poor Americans. It seeks to create a market where individuals can buy health insurance, pooling risks without the backing of a large employer. Ultimately, it aims to expand coverage and deliver better care at a lower price. Its record is mixed so far.
Obamacare created new health exchanges, where individuals can shop for private insurance and, if they earn between $11,670 and $46,680, qualify for subsidies. As well as barring insurers from charging the sick more, it requires individuals to have health insurance or pay a fine.
In some states Obamacare works well. In others, it does not. Many Republican-run states refused to expand Medicaid on the grounds that taxpayers10 would be stuck with the bill. That left almost 9m adults who earn less than $11,670 a year, like Ms Salinas, too rich for Medicaid but too poor to receive subsidies on the exchanges.
Thirty-six states did not set up their own exchanges (as Congress had assumed they would), instead relying on the federal government to do the work. That put a lot of pressure on Healthcare.gov, the federal insurance website, which hardly worked at all when it was launched on October 1st last year. It is working better now, but problems remain. A new audit11 warns that more must be done to make the site secure.
For now Obamacare seems to have expanded cover. Data-crunchers at Gallup, Harvard University, the Urban Institute and the Commonwealth12 Fund agree that the proportion of American adults who are uninsured dropped by 22%-26% from the third quarter of 2013, just before Obamacare's exchanges opened, to the second quarter of 2014, when enrolment ended. Between 8m and 10.3m adults have gained cover. Much of this gain appears to have come from the expansion of publicly-funded Medicaid, however. Nearly 20% of adults are uninsured in states that did not expand Medicaid, about twice the share in states that did, according to the Urban Institute.
How many people have gained coverage through the new exchanges is unclear. Officials say that more than 8m have signed up, but this includes some who had insurance before. In May McKinsey, a consultancy, estimated that 26% of those who had bought policies on the individual market had been previously13 uninsured.
Politically, Obamacare remains14 highly controversial. A poll of polls finds that 51% of Americans disapprove15 of it; only 41% approve. Republicans bash it in stump16 speeches; Democrats17 mention it only in passing. A lawsuit18, Halbig v Burwell, contends that the law allows insurance subsidies only through state-run exchanges, not through the federal one. If the plaintiffs win, they could kneecap the entire reform.
Assuming it survives legal challenges, however, Obamacare's success depends largely on how many uninsured people eventually sign up for coverage on the exchanges. Legally, they are obliged to have coverage, but if prices are too high, some will opt19 to pay the penalty instead. Education should help—most of the uninsured are unaware20 of the subsidies available to them. But premiums21 matter more, and are rising, by an average of 7% across 33 states, according to PwC, a consultancy. There is broad variation. Premiums are to rise by an average of only 2.4% in Colorado, but by a whopping 14% in Tennessee, according to PwC. The next round of enrolment starts in November; many people will discover whether their premiums are to rise or fall just before the mid-term elections.
Growth in health spending per person slowed from a shocking 7.4% a year from 1980 to 2009 to 3% from 2009 to 2012. It may rise again, alas22. The lousy economy caused some of the recent slowdown. The government's actuaries expect spending to jump by 5.6% this year and 6% a year from 2015 to 2023. As more Americans age and gain insurance, they will demand more health care. Shane, for example, ignored an aching shoulder and blocked sinuses when he was uninsured. Now that he has cover, he is seeking treatment. Big hospitals say they are seeing more patients: Tenet, a giant hospital firm, reported a 4% jump in patient volumes in the second quarter, compared with a year earlier.
Higher public spending on health threatens to crowd out education, infrastructure23 and more besides. In July the Congressional Budget Office predicted that, despite the recent slowdown, government health programmes would become the single biggest area of public spending within 20 years, and grow from 4.8% of GDP now to 8% in 2039.
America's health system is terrible at controlling costs for two main reasons. First, insurers and Medicare usually pay doctors when they deliver many services, rather than when they keep patients well. Second, America relies on a private market of doctors and insurers, yet their costs and quality remain opaque24. For decades the doctors' lobby has fought to hide detailed25 data on doctors' performance and prices. Robert Kocher and Ezekiel Emanuel report that 30-40% of top academic hospitals have contracts that bar insurers from relaying hospital prices to employers or patients. What quality measures exist are mostly tied to procedures, not results.
So patients have been left in the dark. When they have visited the doctor, they have had no idea what anything costs or that it all ultimately comes out of their wages. So they have not objected when doctors gave them unnecessary tests, or overcharged.
Thus the cost of a back scan in New York City ranges from $416 to more than ten times that amount, according to Castlight, a firm in California. A prostate-specific antigen test in Philadelphia could be $20 or $407 (see chart 3). Quality is erratic26, too. Laurent Glance of the University of Rochester found that rates of complications from caesarean deliveries varied27 nearly fivefold among American hospitals.
Obamacare tries various ways to curb28 costs. For example, it urges groups of doctors and hospitals to become Accountable Care Organisations (ACOs), rewarded for keeping Medicare patients' costs below a set limit. However, data published on September 16th show that only a quarter saved enough to earn a bonus. Obamacare also orders the health department to make costs and quality more transparent29. This, too, is proceeding30 fitfully. In April health officials published Medicare payments to specific doctors. This revealed which doctors perform a lot of procedures. However, it did not reveal whether those interventions31 were appropriate or successful. Medicare's more useful data, which would show which doctors keep patients well, have yet to be broadly released; there are worries about privacy.
A long way to go
18. Mark McClellan of the Brookings Institution, a think-tank, points out that insurers and doctors' groups are testing their own versions of ACOs, which might be more successful than the government's. Companies are also slowly lifting the veil from doctors' costs and quality. Castlight compiles data from employers' insurance bills, then presents prices to patients. UnitedHealthcare, Aetna, Humana and Kaiser Permanente, four huge insurance and health companies, have given reams of data to an independent research centre. Next year it will launch a website where any insured patient can log in and view quality and cost information for specific doctors and hospitals.
Patients may increasingly demand change, too. Employers are pushing workers into plans with high deductibles, which means they must pay for more care out of their own pockets before insurance kicks in. The share of workers with deductibles jumped from 55% in 2006 to 80% in 2014. This gives patients a good reason to shop around for cheaper treatment. In some cases, employers are asking workers to shop around for insurance too, giving them cash to buy coverage on privately-run health exchanges.
When patients act like shoppers, health-care providers serve them better. In August the number of retail32 clinics, which treat patients at malls and outside regular hours, was up 17% over last year, according to Merchant Medicine, a consultancy. Obamacare's exchanges have inspired new insurance entrepreneurs. Oscar, started by techies in New York, tries to be the patient's ally, swapping33 insurers' usual perplexing drivel for clear information. Medicare Advantage, a complement34 to the traditional public scheme for the elderly, often pays doctors a capped fee to care for patients. Providers profit when patients are well and costs are cut. America's health market has long been an example of what not to do. If it can serve patients, it just might become the opposite.
1 costly | |
adj.昂贵的,价值高的,豪华的 | |
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2 affordable | |
adj.支付得起的,不太昂贵的 | |
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3 subsidies | |
n.补贴,津贴,补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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4 innovative | |
adj.革新的,新颖的,富有革新精神的 | |
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5 tangled | |
adj. 纠缠的,紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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6 minimal | |
adj.尽可能少的,最小的 | |
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7 coverage | |
n.报导,保险范围,保险额,范围,覆盖 | |
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8 dwarfs | |
n.侏儒,矮子(dwarf的复数形式)vt.(使)显得矮小(dwarf的第三人称单数形式) | |
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9 scrap | |
n.碎片;废料;v.废弃,报废 | |
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10 taxpayers | |
纳税人,纳税的机构( taxpayer的名词复数 ) | |
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11 audit | |
v.审计;查帐;核对;旁听 | |
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12 commonwealth | |
n.共和国,联邦,共同体 | |
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13 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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14 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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15 disapprove | |
v.不赞成,不同意,不批准 | |
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16 stump | |
n.残株,烟蒂,讲演台;v.砍断,蹒跚而走 | |
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17 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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18 lawsuit | |
n.诉讼,控诉 | |
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19 opt | |
vi.选择,决定做某事 | |
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20 unaware | |
a.不知道的,未意识到的 | |
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21 premiums | |
n.费用( premium的名词复数 );保险费;额外费用;(商品定价、贷款利息等以外的)加价 | |
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22 alas | |
int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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23 infrastructure | |
n.下部构造,下部组织,基础结构,基础设施 | |
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24 opaque | |
adj.不透光的;不反光的,不传导的;晦涩的 | |
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25 detailed | |
adj.详细的,详尽的,极注意细节的,完全的 | |
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26 erratic | |
adj.古怪的,反复无常的,不稳定的 | |
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27 varied | |
adj.多样的,多变化的 | |
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28 curb | |
n.场外证券市场,场外交易;vt.制止,抑制 | |
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29 transparent | |
adj.明显的,无疑的;透明的 | |
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30 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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31 interventions | |
n.介入,干涉,干预( intervention的名词复数 ) | |
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32 retail | |
v./n.零售;adv.以零售价格 | |
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33 swapping | |
交换,交换技术 | |
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34 complement | |
n.补足物,船上的定员;补语;vt.补充,补足 | |
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