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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
They shall overcome
Facing electoral meltdown, why are the Lib Dems so cheerful?
THE Liberal Democrats have every reason to be miserable2. Some recent polls of voting intention have put them on 6%, about a quarter of their support at the last election. The party has haemorrhaged voters to the Labour Party, as well as to its coalition3 partners the Conservatives, to the Green Party and even the right-wing UK Independence Party. Its backbone—local councillors—has crumbled4. It is conceivable that the party will lose two-thirds of its 56 parliamentary seats at the general election, due to take place next May.
Yet at the party's autumn conference in Glasgow, which ended on October 8th, the mood was upbeat. Activists6 acknowledged the difficulties, but declared themselves game for the battle ahead. Hardly anyone criticised Nick Clegg, the party's leader since 2007 and deputy prime minister since 2010. Even Jeremy Browne, a former minister on the party's libertarian wing who is one of the most vocal7 malcontents, limited himself to anodyne8 grumbles9 about the party's lack of definition (and an apparent gibe10 at Mr Clegg's reluctance11 to be seen smoking in public).
Why are the Lib Dems so calm? Any other major British party, facing half the rout12 that they will suffer next year, would be in meltdown. Circumstances are one explanation. Many unhappy members have left. Others are still buoyed13 by the thrill of being in government. “There is a sense that we matter,” gushed14 one conference delegate before hurrying off to a speaking engagement. It was plain to see: security scanners guarded the conference entrances, television crews prowled the corridors looking for interviewees, foreign diplomats15 sought panellists' opinions at fringe events. After decades on the margins16, Lib Dems still find this new and exciting.
And activists know it may not go away. It was helpful that the Conservatives and Labour spent their party conferences appealing to their traditional voters, argues Olly Grender, an influential17 Lib Dem peer. If neither party breaks out of its electoral strongholds, another hung parliament may beckon—and with it, another five years in which the Lib Dems, however diminished, could be kingmakers.
That prospect18 helps keep Mr Clegg's rivals from whipping up activists' gripes into something more dangerous. Tim Farron, the darling of the left-leaning grass roots, is biding19 his time. Chris Huhne resigned as energy secretary in 2012 and later served a prison sentence for perverting20 the course of justice. Vince Cable, the business secretary, was linked to a couple of botched coup21 attempts but appears to have lost interest in the top job. At least until the election, Mr Clegg seems safe.
Still, only the party's distinctive22 traits fully23 account for its good mood. Compared with the Tories and Labour, the Lib Dem party is democratic and small. Its practice of voting on policy—members raising their conference passes in debates to indicate their views—releases pressure. And its size means that senior figures often know members personally, the better to keep them loyal. Knowing that the leaders care “cheers you up when you're out canvassing24 and only two people have turned up,” says Leola, an activist5 from Hampshire.
The party also has a long memory. Asked about its troubles, older members say they have seen it all before; at the 1989 European Parliament election the Lib Dems won 6% of the vote and no seats. Their ability to rebound25 is embodied26 by Paddy Ashdown, the leader who led the party back from the brink27 and today serves as a mixture of loyalist, high priest and party therapist. On October 7th at the Glee Club (a boozy singsong held every year at conference) the former special-forces captain led members in a rendition of “We Shall Overcome”, an old civil-rights song, a cardboard cut-out of Mr Clegg looking on.
Sometimes the party's eccentricities28 embarrass its leaders. For example, they despaired when members backed a motion regretting that winning had become the “primary concern” in football. But those same eccentricities keep the membership loyal. Luckily for Mr Clegg, the “primary concern” for most Lib Dems is not the winning, but the taking part.
1 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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2 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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3 coalition | |
n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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4 crumbled | |
(把…)弄碎, (使)碎成细屑( crumble的过去式和过去分词 ); 衰落; 坍塌; 损坏 | |
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5 activist | |
n.活动分子,积极分子 | |
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6 activists | |
n.(政治活动的)积极分子,活动家( activist的名词复数 ) | |
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7 vocal | |
adj.直言不讳的;嗓音的;n.[pl.]声乐节目 | |
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8 anodyne | |
n.解除痛苦的东西,止痛剂 | |
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9 grumbles | |
抱怨( grumble的第三人称单数 ); 发牢骚; 咕哝; 发哼声 | |
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10 gibe | |
n.讥笑;嘲弄 | |
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11 reluctance | |
n.厌恶,讨厌,勉强,不情愿 | |
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12 rout | |
n.溃退,溃败;v.击溃,打垮 | |
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13 buoyed | |
v.使浮起( buoy的过去式和过去分词 );支持;为…设浮标;振奋…的精神 | |
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14 gushed | |
v.喷,涌( gush的过去式和过去分词 );滔滔不绝地说话 | |
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15 diplomats | |
n.外交官( diplomat的名词复数 );有手腕的人,善于交际的人 | |
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16 margins | |
边( margin的名词复数 ); 利润; 页边空白; 差数 | |
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17 influential | |
adj.有影响的,有权势的 | |
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18 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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19 biding | |
v.等待,停留( bide的现在分词 );居住;(过去式用bided)等待;面临 | |
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20 perverting | |
v.滥用( pervert的现在分词 );腐蚀;败坏;使堕落 | |
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21 coup | |
n.政变;突然而成功的行动 | |
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22 distinctive | |
adj.特别的,有特色的,与众不同的 | |
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23 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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24 canvassing | |
v.(在政治方面)游说( canvass的现在分词 );调查(如选举前选民的)意见;为讨论而提出(意见等);详细检查 | |
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25 rebound | |
v.弹回;n.弹回,跳回 | |
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26 embodied | |
v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 );象征;包括;包含 | |
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27 brink | |
n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘,边沿 | |
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28 eccentricities | |
n.古怪行为( eccentricity的名词复数 );反常;怪癖 | |
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