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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Lexington
The politics of Guantanamo
The idea of providing a home to terror suspects sparks a revealing fuss in Kansas
IF AN “irresponsible” Barack Obama moves terrorists from Guantanamo Bay to a military prison in Kansas, he would be painting a target on every hospital and school in the area. That is the view of the state's senior senator, Pat Roberts. “Not on my watch,” Mr Roberts assured supporters huddled1 in a rain-lashed shopping mall in Wichita on October 13th, to much applause and nodding of heads. Mr Roberts, a 78-year-old Republican, promises to halt all Senate business, if need be, to stop the president from emptying the prison camp in Cuba and sending its remaining detainees to Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, home to America's only maximum-security military prison.
Pedants2 might object that Leavenworth has not actually been asked to take any detainees—though the Kansas prison was one of several sites considered in 2009, after Mr Obama took office declaring that he would close Guantanamo in a matter of months. No matter. A recent press report—denied, a bit half-heartedly, by the White House—suggested that officials are pondering how the president might use executive powers to close Guantanamo before his term ends, if Congress maintains its current ban on moving detainees to the mainland. Americans have been put in a jumpy mood by grim global headlines, lending a “safety-first” edge to mid-term congressional elections on November 4th.
More to the point, Mr Roberts is facing a tough re-election fight, though Kansas is a solidly conservative prairie state. After 34 years in Congress he finds himself in a tight spot, squeezed between local Tea Party purists (who think he has forgotten his Kansas roots) and old-school moderate Republicans (tempted by an independent candidate, Greg Orman, who says both parties have forgotten how to compromise).
All in all, Mr Roberts has every incentive3 to talk up fights with the White House. Asked to guess at the president's motives4, he frowns. Mr Obama thinks that closing Guantanamo “will make things better in the Muslim world”, he ventures. Perhaps, he goes on, the president thinks that Islamic State fighters will say: “Oh, that's wonderful.”
Other Republicans, led by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, John Boehner, have accused the president of being “eager” to bring terrorists into the country, and have pressed Democrats5 to denounce him (Mr Orman, for his part, calls Mr Obama “absolutely wrong” to want Guantanamo detainees on American soil). Critics are on firm political ground: since 2009 polls have shown two-thirds of Americans opposed to closing Guantanamo and moving detainees to the mainland.
Understandably, Republican leaders want the 2014 election to be a referendum on Mr Obama, and what they see as his weak, naive6 handling of a world on fire. Ask Kansans why they do not want to receive any of the 149 remaining Guantanamo detainees, and echoes of that complaint come up. “Sure, we have super-max prisons, they wouldn't escape,” says a retired7 oil-worker in Wichita, Ken8 Jarvis. But once in America they would be granted lawyers sympathetic to their cause, he predicts, adding darkly: “There's probably Muslim attorneys.” Before long, he thinks, dangerous men would be free to walk the streets.
When Leavenworth last thought it might be receiving Guantanamo detainees, five years ago, 95% of locals were opposed, says the mayor, Mark Preisinger. Not because Leavenworth, a sturdy city of red brick and grey stone beside the Missouri river, is prone9 to hysteria. It has been a prison town since the 19th century. Between the army, the federal government, the state of Kansas and a private corrections corporation, five large prisons brood in and around the city. It is a military town, home to elite10 staff colleges for high-flying officers from America and abroad. The city high school sends between 20 and 30 students a year into the armed forces. Still, residents feel in “lockstep” that the place to keep the detainees is Guantanamo, says the mayor.
That prison camp—built in an American naval11 base maintained by treaty on Cuba's eastern tip—is called a legal limbo12, scoffs13 a local Republican state senator, Steve Fitzgerald. Well, good. “Why shouldn't they just rot?” he asks, calling many detainees unfit to enter the criminal-justice system and undeserving of the status of prisoners-of-war.
If we cannot be loved, let us be feared
During these and other Kansan conversations, it becomes clear that the politics of Guantanamo involves not just a verdict on Mr Obama. In this security-tinged election, America is also having a debate about the legacy14 of George W. Bush. Go back to the 2008 election, and Mr Obama spoke15 like a man with a sweeping16 mandate17 to reverse the priorities of the Bush era. Where his predecessor18 had held international laws cheap, Team Obama would restore America's global standing19 (and closing Guantanamo would symbolise that fresh start). America is war-weary, Mr Obama said repeatedly: time for some nation-building at home, and drawing a line under endless war.
The evidence is mounting that Mr Obama misread his mandate. In such conservative places as Leavenworth, people are not sure America is war-weary. “The nation hasn't been at war, it's been the military,” says Eric Hollister, a retired lieutenant-colonel and veteran of Iraq who instructs cadets at the high school. The past 13 years have hardly been like the second world war, he adds, when America dug Victory Gardens to supplement rations20.
The country is certainly fed up with calls to fix the world: Democrats and Republicans alike say it is not America's job to take the lead in solving international problems. But far from thanking Mr Obama for delivering the cautious, diffident foreign policy that such polls would seem to demand, voters are turning on him. The Guantanamo saga21 helps to explain this puzzle. Americans do not want endless war. But right now, many put feeling safe above the pursuit of peace.
1 huddled | |
挤在一起(huddle的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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2 pedants | |
n.卖弄学问的人,学究,书呆子( pedant的名词复数 ) | |
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3 incentive | |
n.刺激;动力;鼓励;诱因;动机 | |
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4 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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5 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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6 naive | |
adj.幼稚的,轻信的;天真的 | |
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7 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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8 ken | |
n.视野,知识领域 | |
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9 prone | |
adj.(to)易于…的,很可能…的;俯卧的 | |
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10 elite | |
n.精英阶层;实力集团;adj.杰出的,卓越的 | |
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11 naval | |
adj.海军的,军舰的,船的 | |
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12 limbo | |
n.地狱的边缘;监狱 | |
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13 scoffs | |
嘲笑,嘲弄( scoff的第三人称单数 ) | |
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14 legacy | |
n.遗产,遗赠;先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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15 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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16 sweeping | |
adj.范围广大的,一扫无遗的 | |
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17 mandate | |
n.托管地;命令,指示 | |
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18 predecessor | |
n.前辈,前任 | |
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19 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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20 rations | |
定量( ration的名词复数 ); 配给量; 正常量; 合理的量 | |
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21 saga | |
n.(尤指中世纪北欧海盗的)故事,英雄传奇 | |
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