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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
英国和他的移民们 打开大门
Britain and immigration
Keep open the gates
The Conservatives should not risk Britain's future prosperity on a flawed bid to cut immigration
WHEN David Cameron declared his intention last year to hold a referendum on Britain's membership of the European Union, this newspaper gave a cautious cheer. Although we felt there was a risk the Conservative prime minister was bending too far to the Eurosceptics in his party, who happily ignore the enormous economic cost Britain would incur2 by leaving the union, the issue had become so divisive that we believed Britons should get a say on the subject. We were also encouraged that Mr Cameron made a rousing case for Britain's EU membership, which he vowed3 to fortify4 and improve by campaigning for badly needed EU-wide reforms ahead of the promised vote. He needs to restate that commitment, because the recent talk from Number 10 about curbing5 immigration from the EU risks giving the opposite impression: of a weak and unprincipled ruling party that is prepared to gamble Britain's national interest on a policy shaped by populists.
Britain's contradictory6 feelings towards immigration reflect the peculiarities7 of its history. On the one hand, the country's success is rooted in openness—in exploration, conquest and trade. Most Britons are not racist8, which makes their country especially appealing to the millions of immigrants who have created much of its wealth. On the other hand, Britain is a bristling9 island nation, with a deep-seated fear of invasion. Its people worry inordinately10 about the economic and cultural side-effects of immigration—and are prone11 to scaremongers, a role which the increasingly formidable UK Independence Party (UKIP) is now filling. Its two main causes are leaving the European Union and reducing immigration.
Mr Cameron has lost one by-election to UKIP and faces the prospect12 of losing another in a few weeks and seeing his base eroded13 in a general election next spring, so it is hardly surprising that he has moved to the right. But the jump has been large and rapid. Last year, when he unveiled his EU reform strategy, Mr Cameron did not mention immigration as an area of concern. His target was red tape, not the liberal migration1 regime that is one of the union's main strengths. Since then the Tories have said they want to restrict benefits to immigrants and make citizens from future EU member countries wait longer before they are allowed to work in Britain. Now Mr Cameron is talking about “fixing” immigration to Britain from the EU, while his advisers14 have floated the idea of an “emergency brake” on immigration beyond a certain level from even existing EU members. All will be revealed in a speech soon.
An emergency brake would be foolish in two ways. First, it is unlikely to succeed in its primary aim—fixing UKIP. A few voters may be tempted15 back to the Tory fold, but UKIP will always be able to outgun its rivals on promises to keep out foreigners. And most of the fears about immigration are a proxy16 for wider, especially economic, disgruntlements—as differences in attitudes between different bits of the country suggest. London, the city most changed by immigration, is generally relaxed about it, while several of the areas most determined17 to keep out immigrants, such as north-east England, have hardly seen any. An emergency brake will not assuage18 the anxiety in such places even if Mr Cameron could introduce it, which he probably cannot.
This is the second problem with his tactic19. Free movement of labour is one of the EU's four core freedoms. There is vanishingly little chance that other member states will concede it. And if Mr Cameron promises British voters concessions20 he cannot deliver, he risks not just exacerbating21 anti-EU feeling, but also cornering himself into a position from which he has to campaign for withdrawal22 from the union.
Mr Cameron started with an admirable reform agenda, which would help the whole EU. If he makes demands that will never be met he will set that agenda up for failure—and also raise the chances that vexed23 Britons will end up voting to leave the EU. That is a high price to pay for a few UKIP votes.
1 migration | |
n.迁移,移居,(鸟类等的)迁徙 | |
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2 incur | |
vt.招致,蒙受,遭遇 | |
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3 vowed | |
起誓,发誓(vow的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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4 fortify | |
v.强化防御,为…设防;加强,强化 | |
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5 curbing | |
n.边石,边石的材料v.限制,克制,抑制( curb的现在分词 ) | |
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6 contradictory | |
adj.反驳的,反对的,抗辩的;n.正反对,矛盾对立 | |
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7 peculiarities | |
n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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8 racist | |
n.种族主义者,种族主义分子 | |
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9 bristling | |
a.竖立的 | |
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10 inordinately | |
adv.无度地,非常地 | |
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11 prone | |
adj.(to)易于…的,很可能…的;俯卧的 | |
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12 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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13 eroded | |
adj. 被侵蚀的,有蚀痕的 动词erode的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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14 advisers | |
顾问,劝告者( adviser的名词复数 ); (指导大学新生学科问题等的)指导教授 | |
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15 tempted | |
v.怂恿(某人)干不正当的事;冒…的险(tempt的过去分词) | |
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16 proxy | |
n.代理权,代表权;(对代理人的)委托书;代理人 | |
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17 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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18 assuage | |
v.缓和,减轻,镇定 | |
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19 tactic | |
n.战略,策略;adj.战术的,有策略的 | |
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20 concessions | |
n.(尤指由政府或雇主给予的)特许权( concession的名词复数 );承认;减价;(在某地的)特许经营权 | |
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21 exacerbating | |
v.使恶化,使加重( exacerbate的现在分词 ) | |
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22 withdrawal | |
n.取回,提款;撤退,撤军;收回,撤销 | |
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23 vexed | |
adj.争论不休的;(指问题等)棘手的;争论不休的问题;烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 );使苦恼;使生气;详细讨论 | |
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