-
(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Lexington
An army without generals
If Barack Obama is not really the leader of the Democratic Party, who is?
THOUGH leading the Republican Party can be a trying task, many politicians want to have a go. Ambition swirls1 so thickly in the halls of the 114th Congress, which was sworn in on January 6th, that it can almost be touched. Republican leaders, whips and committee chairmen, even the bosses of rebellious2 factions3: all yearn4 to use their party's newly won control of the Senate and House of Representatives to make Barack Obama's life miserable5 and promote voter-pleasing conservative policies. As for the 2016 presidential nomination6, around a dozen Republican bigwigs are circling the starting-line of that contest, eyes agleam. The party is fractious, but it is filled with energy, and those who would lead.
The contrast with the Democratic Party is striking. The party remains7 a potent8 force in national politics, even after 2014's mid-term elections cost it control of the Senate and left it with fewer House members than at any time since 1946. But as Democrats9 head into the final two years of the Obama era, they resemble an army without a commander-in-chief, or even generals whom footsoldiers might follow into battle.
In Congress the Democratic leaders of the Senate and House are both in their 70s, as are many of their lieutenants10. Both are crafty11 tacticians more than inspiring thinkers. Neither represents the future. Out in the country, Republicans can point to any number of governors who look like conservative champions, busy turning their states into laboratories for tax-cutting, government-shrinking experiments. Only a handful of Democratic governors similarly dominate their states' politics—the most prominent, Jerry Brown of California, is 76 years old.
Hillary Clinton will dominate her party's presidential primary if and when she says she is running. At the moment, she is a spectral12 presence—freezing the 2016 contest without offering leadership. If she does not run, it is not obvious who could replace her. Some like to daydream13 about Senator Elizabeth Warren, a Wall Street-bashing populist who is to the left of centre in her home state, Massachusetts, which is in turn to the left of centre of America as a whole. Ms Warren says she is not running for president (she favours the present tense), which makes her more sensible than her supporters: as a matter of cold electoral maths, she cannot win a nationwide contest.
President Obama's relations with the Democratic Party are increasingly complicated. After a wretched 2014, during which he seemed buffeted14 by events, Republicans successfully made the mid-term elections a referendum on his competence15, prompting Democrats in some conservative states to try to disown him (in vain—most such Democrats lost anyway). Since then, Mr Obama has defied predictions of his imminent16 irrelevance17. He has used his executive powers to shield millions of migrants from deportation18, and started to dismantle19 the (remarkably ineffective) embargo20 against Cuba. He has sketched21 out future policies that may define his legacy22, from new rules to protect the environment to global trade pacts23. Republicans will try to thwart24 many of his plans. Global events continue to menace him. But as much as his office permits, Mr Obama is setting the agenda.
Yet if Mr Obama is not quite the lame-duck president that critics foresaw, he is still a lame-duck leader of the Democratic Party. Partly, this is a question of differing incentives25. Mr Obama wants a legacy. Democrats have future elections to win. As Mr Obama conceded to National Public Radio recently, such policies as unpicking the Cuban embargo are “frankly…easier” for a president at the end of his term. Mr Obama has a strong interest in achievements that can pass a Republican-held Congress. Two planned trade pacts, one with Asia-Pacific countries, the other with Europe, are a case in point. Republicans and some centrist Democrats want a deal. Left-wing Democrats and unions are appalled26.
In part, the end of the Obama era is a moment of political clarity, exposing the oddly transactional nature of his ties to his own party. Mr Obama did not become the Democrats' champion by explaining what sort of party they needed to be. He won office in 2008 by offering a new, post-racial, post-partisan form of politics, buttressed27 by the promise of his own life-story and brilliant electoral technology. He kept office in 2012 by turning out an “Obama coalition” that united the young, the poor, non-whites, gays, urban hipsters, unmarried women and affluent28 liberals. Other Democratic politicians went along for the ride, while grumbling29 that their president was disappointingly aloof30 and risk-averse.
Relations between Mr Obama and congressional Democrats are sourer than ever. In an unusual breach31 of decorum, the strains of the 2014 election prompted on-the-record grouching about the White House from a right-hand man to Harry33 Reid, the Democratic leader in the Senate. A December budget crunch34 saw Nancy Pelosi, the Democrats' boss in the House, fulminate against her own president's willingness to cut deals with Republicans.
Greybeards counsel calm. Presidents inevitably35 see their clout36 ebb37 as successors' elections near, says Tom Daschle, who led Senate Democrats from 1995 to 2005. If Mrs Clinton runs for the nomination, she will become an alternative centre of power which will grow in importance. If she does not run, “there is a list of people waiting in the wings”, Mr Daschle soothes38, offering as examples two very different senators: Ms Warren and Kirsten Gillibrand (the junior senator from New York and a politician of Clinton-level pragmatism, without the Clintons' experience).
Other Democrats are less sure, seeing a problem that goes beyond personnel issues. “It is a little confusing who is leading the Democratic Party right now,” says a member of Congress who hears nothing “galvanising” from Mr Obama, and “no energy, no excitement”, from congressional bosses. Put another way, Democrats feel leaderless because the party lacks big, compelling ideas. Someone may yet fill that void. It needs to happen soon.
1 swirls | |
n.旋转( swirl的名词复数 );卷状物;漩涡;尘旋v.旋转,打旋( swirl的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
2 rebellious | |
adj.造反的,反抗的,难控制的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
3 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
4 yearn | |
v.想念;怀念;渴望 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
5 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
6 nomination | |
n.提名,任命,提名权 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
7 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
8 potent | |
adj.强有力的,有权势的;有效力的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
9 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
10 lieutenants | |
n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 );副职官员;空军;仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
11 crafty | |
adj.狡猾的,诡诈的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
12 spectral | |
adj.幽灵的,鬼魂的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
13 daydream | |
v.做白日梦,幻想 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
14 buffeted | |
反复敲打( buffet的过去式和过去分词 ); 连续猛击; 打来打去; 推来搡去 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
15 competence | |
n.能力,胜任,称职 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
16 imminent | |
adj.即将发生的,临近的,逼近的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
17 irrelevance | |
n.无关紧要;不相关;不相关的事物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
18 deportation | |
n.驱逐,放逐 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
19 dismantle | |
vt.拆开,拆卸;废除,取消 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
20 embargo | |
n.禁运(令);vt.对...实行禁运,禁止(通商) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
21 sketched | |
v.草拟(sketch的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
22 legacy | |
n.遗产,遗赠;先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
23 pacts | |
条约( pact的名词复数 ); 协定; 公约 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
24 thwart | |
v.阻挠,妨碍,反对;adj.横(断的) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
25 incentives | |
激励某人做某事的事物( incentive的名词复数 ); 刺激; 诱因; 动机 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
26 appalled | |
v.使惊骇,使充满恐惧( appall的过去式和过去分词)adj.惊骇的;丧胆的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
27 buttressed | |
v.用扶壁支撑,加固( buttress的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
28 affluent | |
adj.富裕的,富有的,丰富的,富饶的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
29 grumbling | |
adj. 喃喃鸣不平的, 出怨言的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
30 aloof | |
adj.远离的;冷淡的,漠不关心的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
31 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
32 breaches | |
破坏( breach的名词复数 ); 破裂; 缺口; 违背 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
33 harry | |
vt.掠夺,蹂躏,使苦恼 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
34 crunch | |
n.关键时刻;艰难局面;v.发出碎裂声 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
35 inevitably | |
adv.不可避免地;必然发生地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
36 clout | |
n.用手猛击;权力,影响力 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
37 ebb | |
vi.衰退,减退;n.处于低潮,处于衰退状态 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
38 soothes | |
v.安慰( soothe的第三人称单数 );抚慰;使舒服;减轻痛苦 | |
参考例句: |
|
|