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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
The Christian1 Right is winning in court while losing in public opinion
There's an influential3 minority of Americans who envision the United States as a Christian nation. Lately, this group has been making significant progress in its mission. Recent rulings from the U.S. Supreme4 Court reversing Roe5 v. Wade6 and protecting prayer in schools are chief among these victories.
These legal wins for the Christian Right, though, are happening at a time when a growing majority of Americans are strongly opposed to their views.
"This is the most disproportionate power that the Christian Right has had in my lifetime," says Robert Jones, CEO and founder7 of the Public Religion Research Institute — a nonpartisan group that conducts research on the intersection8 of politics, culture and religion.
Church and state
More and more white evangelical Christians9 are now talking about the U.S. as a Christian nation in ways that verge10 on or outright11 embrace Christian nationalism — the idea that the U.S. is a Christian nation and its laws should be rooted in the Bible.
On the Sunday after the Supreme Court reversed a decades-old ruling that legalized abortions13 in the U.S., Republican congresswoman Lauren Boebert spoke14 to a crowd at a church in Colorado. Among other things, Boebert complained that faith communities have long had to deal with laws in the U.S. that they don't agree with.
"The church is supposed to direct the government," she said. "The government is not supposed to direct the church. That is not how our founding fathers intended it. And I am tired of this separation of church and state junk. It's not in the Constitution."
Of course, the Constitution does explicitly15 ban the establishment of a specific religion. It's in the First Amendment16.
But Timothy Head, executive director of the Faith and Freedom Coalition17, says he thinks that part of the Constitution was written to keep the government from interfering18 with religion.
"Not to keep anybody that holds a religious view out of government," he said. "All of us have certain kinds of worldviews. Some of those are based on college professors, or your favorite philosophers, or a comedian19 somewhere. It just so happens that some people base their worldview on biblical teachings."
Jones said even though the Christian Right is currently as emboldened20 as it's ever been in a long time, it is not winning over public opinion.
"White evangelicals in particular have lost a lot of ground," Jones said.
Moral minority
Since at least 2008, white evangelicals have been shrinking in population size, and median age – now 56 – has been climbing. During the Christian Right's heyday21 in the 1970s and 80s, though, Jones says it was aligned22 with most of the country.
"When they said things like 'We are the moral majority,' there was a kind of truth to that – even if it wasn't a demographic truth," he said. "If you look at some of the issues, for example, like same-sex marriage, most of the country agreed with them."
But those days are gone. Jones said about seven in 10 Americans support same-sex marriage now – and that number also keeps growing. And about six in 10 Americans say abortion12 should be legal in the U.S.
Roe draft is a reminder23 that religion's role in politics is older than the republic
ROE V. WADE AND THE FUTURE OF REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS IN AMERICA
Roe draft is a reminder that religion's role in politics is older than the republic
Amelia Fulbright, a progressive pastor24 at the Congregational Church of Austin, said religious communities should not expect to see their particular theology reflected in the country's laws.
"I don't think it is the role of faith communities to use politics to impose their worldview on others," she says.
Fulbright has spent almost a decade advocating for the rights of LGBTQ people, as well as abortion rights, in Texas. She said in the past few years Republican state lawmakers have been crossing a line — making the case for laws by citing Christian ideas.
"There is not even an effort to conceal25 that these are theological ideas – that there is just a full-throated unapologetic attempt to impose a certain Christian worldview on everyone else.
Fulbright said for years she relied on the Supreme Court to block laws in Texas that were explicitly rooted in Christian theology. But since Republicans secured a conservative majority on the court, Fulbright and others say those guardrails have been knocked down.
A spiritual battle
Tim Whitaker, creator of a group called The New Evangelicals, says this is how the Christian Right has decided26 to respond to waning27 public opinion — instead of embracing changing views.
"White evangelicalism rejects pluralism – completely," he said. "They do not see themselves as coexisting with other religious views or other sexuality ethic28 views. They see it as a spiritual battle and they are on God's side."
Whitaker, who created his group to counteract29 less tolerant strains of evangelicalism, said decades of this sort of campaigning has amounted to an immense amount of influence, particularly in the Republican Party.
"When they start getting a taste – a small taste – of just making room for other viewpoints, that's perceived as a loss of power," he said. "And then they campaign on that."
Donald Trump30 put three anti abortion-rights justices on the Supreme Court in his four years in office, delivering on an essential campaign promise to the Christian Right. These groups have also galvanized power in state legislatures across the country.
Head dismissed the assertion that Christian conservatives are trying to push their views on everyone.
"I don't think that religious views or Christian people should be given special positions," he said, "but they also shouldn't be excluded from the public discourse31 either."
And while Whitaker said not all Christian conservatives support extreme views like Christian nationalism, an influential number of them do.
"It truly does concern for the future of the country because ultimately Christian nationalism is not about democracy," he says. "It's really about – I hate to use such blunt language – but it's really more about theocracy32."
Jones said he also sees the Christian Right beginning to part with democratic norms. For example, many Christian conservatives have been supporting voting restrictions33 and backing Trump's election lies. Jones said it's one of the ways they can make sure their country is a Christian nation.
"I think we are seeing the last kind of desperate grasp – that by the way includes violence – that is kind of a desperate attempt to kind of hold on to that vision of the country and to hold on to power," he says.
Ultimately, Jones said, this period in American history could be a hingepoint for democracy.
"I think if we can protect our democratic institutions and we can weather these attacks on it, then I think there is light at the other end of the tunnel," he said. "But I do think we are in for some dark days."
1 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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2 transcript | |
n.抄本,誊本,副本,肄业证书 | |
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3 influential | |
adj.有影响的,有权势的 | |
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4 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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5 roe | |
n.鱼卵;獐鹿 | |
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6 wade | |
v.跋涉,涉水;n.跋涉 | |
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7 Founder | |
n.创始者,缔造者 | |
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8 intersection | |
n.交集,十字路口,交叉点;[计算机] 交集 | |
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9 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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10 verge | |
n.边,边缘;v.接近,濒临 | |
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11 outright | |
adv.坦率地;彻底地;立即;adj.无疑的;彻底的 | |
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12 abortion | |
n.流产,堕胎 | |
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13 abortions | |
n.小产( abortion的名词复数 );小产胎儿;(计划)等中止或夭折;败育 | |
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14 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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15 explicitly | |
ad.明确地,显然地 | |
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16 amendment | |
n.改正,修正,改善,修正案 | |
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17 coalition | |
n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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18 interfering | |
adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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19 comedian | |
n.喜剧演员;滑稽演员 | |
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20 emboldened | |
v.鼓励,使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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21 heyday | |
n.全盛时期,青春期 | |
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22 aligned | |
adj.对齐的,均衡的 | |
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23 reminder | |
n.提醒物,纪念品;暗示,提示 | |
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24 pastor | |
n.牧师,牧人 | |
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25 conceal | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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26 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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27 waning | |
adj.(月亮)渐亏的,逐渐减弱或变小的n.月亏v.衰落( wane的现在分词 );(月)亏;变小;变暗淡 | |
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28 ethic | |
n.道德标准,行为准则 | |
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29 counteract | |
vt.对…起反作用,对抗,抵消 | |
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30 trump | |
n.王牌,法宝;v.打出王牌,吹喇叭 | |
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31 discourse | |
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
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32 theocracy | |
n.神权政治;僧侣政治 | |
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33 restrictions | |
约束( restriction的名词复数 ); 管制; 制约因素; 带限制性的条件(或规则) | |
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