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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Good evening, my fellow Americans.
First, I should like to express my gratitude1 to the radio and television networks for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. My special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.
Three days from now, after half century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency2 is vested in my successor. This evening, I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other -- Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor4 with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous6 basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate7 post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years. In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation good, rather than mere9 partisanship10, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling -- on my part -- of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts11, America is today the strongest, the most influential12, and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches, and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace, to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity, and integrity among peoples and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance14, or our lack of comprehension, or readiness to sacrifice would inflict15 upon us grievous hurt, both at home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently16 threatened by the conflict now engulfing17 the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology18 global in scope, atheistic19 in character, ruthless in purpose, and insiduous [insidious] in method. Unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily20, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation21, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.
Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring22 temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly23 action could become the miraculous24 solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied26 research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising27 in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.
But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs, balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages, balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable, balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual, balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment28 seeks balance and progress. Lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration29. The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their Government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of threat and stress.
But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. Of these, I mention two only.
A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty30, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted31 to risk his own destruction. Our military organization today bears little relation to that known of any of my predecessors32 in peacetime, or, indeed, by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.
Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers33 of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But we can no longer risk emergency improvisation34 of national defense25. We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually35 spend on military security alone more than the net income of all United States cooperations -- corporations.
Now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every Statehouse, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative36 need for this development. Yet, we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil37, resources, and livelihood38 are all involved. So is the very structure of our society.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous39 rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable40 citizenry can compel the proper meshing41 of the huge industrial and military machinery42 of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper5 together.
Akin3 to, and largely responsible for the sweeping43 changes in our industrial-military posture44, has been the technological45 revolution during recent decades. In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.
Today, the solitary46 inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. The prospect47 of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present -- and is gravely to be regarded.
Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite48.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme49 goals of our free society.
Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's future, we -- you and I, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering50 for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent51 phantom52 of tomorrow.
During the long lane of the history yet to be written, America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual8 trust and respect. Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many fast frustrations53 -- past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of disarmament -- of the battlefield.
Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent, I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war, as one who knows that another war could utterly54 destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years, I wish I could say tonight that a lasting55 peace is in sight.
Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But so much remains56 to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.
So, in this, my last good night to you as your President, I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and in peace. I trust in that -- in that -- in that service you find some things worthy13. As for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.
You and I, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble57 with power, diligent58 in pursuit of the Nations' great goals.
To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing aspiration59: We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn60 for freedom may experience its few spiritual blessings61. Those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibility; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; and that the sources -- scourges62 of poverty, disease, and ignorance will be made [to] disappear from the earth; and that in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding63 force of mutual respect and love.
Now, on Friday noon, I am to become a private citizen. I am proud to do so. I look forward to it.
Thank you, and good night.
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1
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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tenuous
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| adj.细薄的，稀薄的，空洞的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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Partisanship
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| n. 党派性, 党派偏见 | |
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holocausts
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| n.大屠杀( holocaust的名词复数 ) | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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engulfing
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| adj.吞噬的v.吞没，包住( engulf的现在分词 ) | |
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ideology
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| n.意识形态，(政治或社会的)思想意识 | |
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atheistic
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| adj.无神论者的 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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recurring
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| adj.往复的，再次发生的 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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frustration
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| n.挫折，失败，失效，落空 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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makers
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| n.制造者，制造商（maker的复数形式） | |
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improvisation
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| n.即席演奏(或演唱)；即兴创作 | |
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annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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knowledgeable
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| adj.知识渊博的；有见识的 | |
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meshing
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| 结网，啮合 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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technological
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| adj.技术的；工艺的 | |
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solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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elite
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| n.精英阶层；实力集团；adj.杰出的，卓越的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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insolvent
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| adj.破产的，无偿还能力的 | |
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phantom
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| n.幻影，虚位，幽灵；adj.错觉的，幻影的，幽灵的 | |
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frustrations
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| 挫折( frustration的名词复数 )； 失败； 挫败； 失意 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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yearn
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| v.想念；怀念；渴望 | |
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blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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scourges
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| 带来灾难的人或东西，祸害( scourge的名词复数 )； 鞭子 | |
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binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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