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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
RACHEL MARTIN, HOST:
It is clear from his own words that Robert Bowers2, the man alleged3 to have opened fire on that Pittsburgh synagogue, was filled with hate. He posted bigoted4 statements and conspiracies5 online for months ahead of the shooting. And during the attack itself, according to a federal indictment6, Bowers said he wanted to kill Jews. He is charged with 44 counts, including hate crimes, for the murder of 11 people at the Tree of Life synagogue. NPR's Eric Westervelt looks at what, if anything, can get violent, far-right extremists in America to change.
ERIC WESTERVELT, BYLINE7: Tony McAleer knows something about the mindset of the suspected synagogue gunman, and he knows how savvy8 racist9 recruiters can be. He was one of them. McAleer was steeped in the racist invective10 Robert Bower1 spewed online, one that sees a cabal11 of malevolent12 Jews running the world by proxy13 through banks, corporations, Hollywood and the media. As a member of the White Aryan Resistance, or WAR, McAleer peddled14 that conspiracy15 to attract new members.
TONY MCALEER: I was a Holocaust16 denier. I ran a computer-operated voicemail system that was primarily anti-Semitic.
WESTERVELT: He eventually renounced17 his bigotry18 and helped create the nonprofit Life After Hate, one of the few groups working to help right-wing extremists find an off-ramp. The good news - there are some programs like his that seem to be effective in de-radicalizing homegrown extremists. The bad news - they're small, hard to scale, and there's no consensus19 on what really works. Overall, it's an understudied, underfunded and neglected area.
PETE SIMI: We haven't wanted to acknowledge that we have a problem with violent, right-wing extremism in this kind of domestic terrorism.
WESTERVELT: Sociologist20 Pete Simi at Chapman University has researched violent white nationalists and other hate groups for over two decades. We know more, Simi says, about what works to best intervene with American gang members or jihadists than how to combat far-right hate. That willful denial, he says, means many nonprofits, social workers and police today are largely flying blind.
SIMI: There really haven't been much resources, attention, time, energy devoted21 to developing efforts to counter that form of violent extremism.
WESTERVELT: In fact, the Trump22 administration in 2017 rescinded23 funding that targeted domestic extremism, including a four-hundred-thousand-dollar Obama-era federal grant to Life After Hate. The administration instead has focused almost exclusively on threats from Islamist extremists and what it sees as the security and social menace of undocumented immigrants. The programs that best help people leave hate behind, Simi says, are those that address the full range of issues someone swept into a far-right extremist world might face.
SIMI: Some additional schooling24 or employment trainings. Maybe they have some housing needs. Maybe they have some unmet mental health needs, I mean, substance use problems - what's called wrap-around service approach.
WESTERVELT: But that more holistic25 model is labor26 intensive, costly27 and thwarted28, Simi says, by America's woefully inadequate29 drug treatment and mental health care systems. McAleer, the former White Aryan Resistance recruiter, says adherence30 to racist beliefs, whether as part of a group or as a lone31 wolf like the suspected synagogue gunman, is more often sparked by a flawed search for identity and purpose than a deeply held belief. From his experience, the best approach is simply listening and connecting to a person's buried humanity. You condemn32 the ideology33 and the actions, he says, but not the human being.
MCALEER: You know, think of them as lost. Somewhere along the line, they find themselves in this place. And I can tell you, being in that place is not a fun place to be. When you surround yourself with angry and negative people, I guarantee you your life is not firing on all cylinders34.
WESTERVELT: But he concedes that inspiring compassion35 is a challenging one-on-one approach and one that's hard to scale. Eric Westervelt, NPR News.
(SOUNDBITE OF PHILANTHROPE'S "REBIRTH")
1 bower | |
n.凉亭,树荫下凉快之处;闺房;v.荫蔽 | |
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2 bowers | |
n.(女子的)卧室( bower的名词复数 );船首锚;阴凉处;鞠躬的人 | |
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3 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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4 bigoted | |
adj.固执己见的,心胸狭窄的 | |
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5 conspiracies | |
n.阴谋,密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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6 indictment | |
n.起诉;诉状 | |
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7 byline | |
n.署名;v.署名 | |
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8 savvy | |
v.知道,了解;n.理解能力,机智,悟性;adj.有见识的,懂实际知识的,通情达理的 | |
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9 racist | |
n.种族主义者,种族主义分子 | |
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10 invective | |
n.痛骂,恶意抨击 | |
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11 cabal | |
n.政治阴谋小集团 | |
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12 malevolent | |
adj.有恶意的,恶毒的 | |
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13 proxy | |
n.代理权,代表权;(对代理人的)委托书;代理人 | |
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14 peddled | |
(沿街)叫卖( peddle的过去式和过去分词 ); 兜售; 宣传; 散播 | |
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15 conspiracy | |
n.阴谋,密谋,共谋 | |
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16 holocaust | |
n.大破坏;大屠杀 | |
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17 renounced | |
v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 );宣布放弃;宣布与…决裂;宣布摒弃 | |
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18 bigotry | |
n.偏见,偏执,持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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19 consensus | |
n.(意见等的)一致,一致同意,共识 | |
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20 sociologist | |
n.研究社会学的人,社会学家 | |
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21 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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22 trump | |
n.王牌,法宝;v.打出王牌,吹喇叭 | |
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23 rescinded | |
v.废除,取消( rescind的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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24 schooling | |
n.教育;正规学校教育 | |
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25 holistic | |
adj.从整体着眼的,全面的 | |
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26 labor | |
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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27 costly | |
adj.昂贵的,价值高的,豪华的 | |
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28 thwarted | |
阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 ); 使受挫折; 挫败; 横过 | |
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29 inadequate | |
adj.(for,to)不充足的,不适当的 | |
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30 adherence | |
n.信奉,依附,坚持,固着 | |
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31 lone | |
adj.孤寂的,单独的;唯一的 | |
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32 condemn | |
vt.谴责,指责;宣判(罪犯),判刑 | |
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33 ideology | |
n.意识形态,(政治或社会的)思想意识 | |
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34 cylinders | |
n.圆筒( cylinder的名词复数 );圆柱;汽缸;(尤指用作容器的)圆筒状物 | |
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35 compassion | |
n.同情,怜悯 | |
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