2020年经济学人 白芝浩专栏--戴高乐对鲍里斯·约翰逊的借鉴意义(3)（在线收听）

So far Mr Johnson’s moral laziness has prevented him from making the best of these instincts. He has made a mockery of his talk of reforming the state by dumping a collection of cronies on the House of Lords, for example. A reading of Mr Jackson’s book might remind him of the importance of both dignity and high seriousness in political affairs. Not that he should go the whole de Gaulle—that would produce an absurdity—but he would benefit from mixing some gravity into a persona that was crafted decades ago and is in danger of outliving its usefulness. It might also provide him with some ideas. One of the first things the general did in 1945 was to give the green light to the creation of the Ecole Nationale d’Administration,in order to train hauts fonctionnaires in the arts of modern government. A British ENA would send a powerful message that Britain wants its crème de la crème to serve the state rather than McKinsey or Goldman Sachs.

到目前为止，约翰逊在道义上的懒惰使他无法充分利用这些天分。例如，约翰逊用自己的亲信填满了上议院，以此来嘲弄他关于改革国家的谈话。读一读杰克逊的书，也许能让他想起来在政治事务中，庄严和高度严肃的重要性。并不是说他应该完全效仿戴高乐，这可能会引发荒谬的效果，而是说约翰逊会受益于将严肃性融入到戴高乐身上，戴高乐是一个几十年前精心塑造的人物，但现在可能过时了。这也可能给他提供一些想法。戴高乐将军在1945年做的第一件事就是批准成立法国国立行政学院，旨在培养高级文官掌握现代政府的技术。而一家英国式的法国国立行政学院这样的学校会发出一个强有力的信息，即英国希望学校的精英们为国家服务，而不是为麦肯锡或高盛。

De Gaulle also has some darker skills to impart. A pragmatist as well as a romantic, he was a master of the art of betrayal. He repeatedly sold his friends down the river, most obviously the pieds noirs French settlers in Algeria by granting the colony independence.But he turned the boiling hatred this provoked into another source of strength by treating hatred of de Gaulle as hatred of France. Mr Johnson is no slouch when it comes to betraying people: during the Brexit talks he was quick to dump his once staunch allies, the Ulster Unionists, by agreeing to a border in the Irish Sea. But he needs to work on managing the hatred he arouses.

戴高乐身上也有一些更加阴暗的技能。他既是一个实用主义者又是一个浪漫主义者，还是背叛技能的大师。他一再出卖自己的朋友，最明显的背叛行为是通过承认殖民地独立而出卖了阿尔及利亚的法国殖民者。但是戴高乐将自己的仇恨视为法国的仇恨，并将由此引发的炽热的恨意转化为另一种力量。在背叛别人的问题上，约翰逊毫不手软：在英国脱欧谈判期间，他很快就放弃了曾经坚定的盟友阿尔斯特统一主义者，同意在爱尔兰海建立边界。但他需要努力控制自己激起的恨意。

De Gaulle did not much care much for the country that gave him refuge while he was in exile, and even came close to declaring war on Britain in 1945 over France’s imperial interests in Syria. His British fan club is, understandably, small; but it includes some influential names on the right, including Peter (now Lord) Lilley, one of the architects of Thatcherism, and David Frost, the new national security adviser. Without joining the club, Mr Johnson might consider borrowing at least a few of the great man’s ideas, as he tries both to revive Britain’s creaking state apparatus and to embrace the wider horizons which de Gaulle saw as its destiny.

戴高乐对流亡期间为自己提供庇护的国家并不太在意，甚至在1945年，因为法国在叙利亚的帝国利益差点向英国宣战。可以理解，他的英国拥护者的规模很小；但其中也包括一些在右翼有影响力的人物，包括撒切尔主义的缔造者之一彼得·莉莉（现为勋爵）和新任国家安全顾问大卫·弗罗斯特。在没有加入戴高乐的追随者行列的情况下，约翰逊至少可能会考虑借鉴这位伟人的一些想法，因为他既要重振英国摇摇欲坠的国家机器，又要接受戴高乐视之为英国命运的冷眼旁观于欧陆霸权棋局之外。