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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Supreme1 Court to hear a case that could limit the EPA's power to fight climate change
The U.S. Supreme Court hears arguments Monday in a major environmental case that could hobble the ability of federal agencies to regulate air pollution — and potentially, much more.
The case has been years in the making. It began in 2009 when the Obama administration faced an unpleasant reality. Climate change is a problem too big to address without an international agreement, but "the other nations would not do anything unless the Unites States went first, and showed it was serious," says environmental law professor Richard Lazarus.
So, the Obama administration set about doing that, first getting the auto3 industry to reduce carbon emissions5, and then addressing the country's single largest carbon emissions problem—coal fired power plants. Instead of regulating the plants themselves, the Environmental Protection Agency set strict carbon limits for each state and encouraged the states to meet those limits by transitioning to alternative sources of energy—wind, solar, hydro-electric, and natural gas. The goal of the plan was to produce enough electricity to satisfy U.S. demand in a way that lowered greenhouse emissions.
The legal fight continues
The concept worked. Indeed, it worked so well, that even after Obama's Clean Power Plan was temporarily blocked by the Supreme Court and repealed6 by the Trump7 administration, market forces still continued the trajectory8. Most utilities continued to abandon coal because it is too expensive. As the Sierra Club's Andres Restrepo observes, the EPA initially9 projected that it would reach the targeted emission4 reductions under the plan by 2030, but "even without the regulation in place, the industry achieved that level of reductions in 2019, 11 years early."
That, however, didn't stop the coal industry, West Virginia, and 16 other states from continuing their fight against the now-defunct Obama plan. Presumably, they did that to prevent the plan from being resurrected.
The states and the coal industry appealed to the Supreme Court last year. The Biden administration, fearing a disastrous10 ruling, "unilaterally surrendered the Clean Power Plan" and pledged to write a new rule that would regulate only the coal fired plants themselves, says Harvard's professor Lazarus. "They buried it, and they told the court it's gone. There is no more case."
But the court, in an unusually muscular assertion of power, agreed to review the now-revoked plan. It is no secret why. To one degree or another, the court's six-justice conservative supermajority has been itching11 to limit the power of regulatory agencies, and potentially even the power of Congress.
Implication for other federal agencies
In recent cases, the conservative court majority has begun to outline something it calls the "major questions doctrine12," which could hamstring the authority of all agencies, from the EPA to the Securities and Exchange Commission to Federal Reserve Board.
In general, it is far less deferential13 to agencies than the court's previous case law suggested. Specifically, the major questions doctrine requires Congress to specifically authorize14 new policies or directions, even when the language of a statute15 gives an agency broad power. The question is, "has Congress spoken clearly enough to tell a federal agency that you can create a program that has substantial effects on the American economy," explains Tom Johnson, a lawyer who previously16 worked for West Virginia in its opposition17 to the Clean Power Plan.
Here, Johnson argues, the EPA went too far "reshaping the energy economy by determining what mix of clean power and coal-operated power we should have." It did so with a powerful stick; the Clean Power Plan set emissions caps below what was economically feasible, essentially18 coercing19 coal-fired plants to invest in alternative energy sources, he says.
Congress could be hobbled, too
But the major questions doctrine is not the only new twist that some of the court's conservatives have advocated. Another is something called the non-delegation20 doctrine. As some conservatives see things, Congress is quite limited in how much regulatory power it can give to agencies.
Jonathan Brightbill, an environmental lawyer who previously represented the Trump administration in the case, summarizes the outer edges of the nondelegation argument—namely that Congress cannot delegate unlimited21 power to executive agencies, no matter what the circumstances are. After all, he points out, "ours is a constitutional system," and the Constitution places legislative22 power in hands of representatives in Congress—not unelected executive agencies.
That point was initially made by Justice Clarence Thomas in a 2001 case, an EPA case no less. But no other justice joined his opinion. Even Justice Antonin Scalia, a conservative icon23, rejected the non-delegation argument. Scalia's majority opinion greenlit delegation of broad regulatory authority as long as Congress guides the agency with an "intelligible24 principle."
But in 2019, Trump appointee Neil Gorsuch, sought to resuscitate25 Thomas's non-delegation argument in an opinion joined by Chief Justice John Roberts. They argued that the Founders26 rejected the idea that Congress could delegate its powers.
Law professors Nicholas Bagley and Julian Davis Mortenson have disputed this reading of history after an exhaustive examination of the debates at the founding.
"To the extent that we have evidence about what the Founders thought about the non-delegation doctrine, the evidence cuts pretty hard in the direction that they thought there wasn't any such thing," said Bagley in a recent episode of the podcast Strict Scrutiny27.
Professor Lazarus, for his part, worries that severely28 limiting Congress's delegation powers would create a dysfunctional system of governance. He points out that, like the Clean Air Act at issue in this case, many statutes29 use "broad and capacious language" to authorize federal agencies to regulate commerce, health, and safety. These constitutional delegations30 were permissible31 when these laws were passed, but now, decades later, the Supreme Court seems to have changed its mind.
Taken to the extreme, the major questions and non-delegation doctrines32 could debilitate33 the federal agencies. For example, the Federal Reserve's power to set interest rates is certainly a power of "vast political and economic significance," Lazarus observes. Must Congress act every three months to review interest rates?
Lazarus doesn't think the court will go that far.
"At some point the court will find equilibrium," he says, "but that's going to be a time from now" and, when it comes to climate change, we are running out of time.
1 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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2 transcript | |
n.抄本,誊本,副本,肄业证书 | |
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3 auto | |
n.(=automobile)(口语)汽车 | |
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4 emission | |
n.发出物,散发物;发出,散发 | |
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5 emissions | |
排放物( emission的名词复数 ); 散发物(尤指气体) | |
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6 repealed | |
撤销,废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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7 trump | |
n.王牌,法宝;v.打出王牌,吹喇叭 | |
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8 trajectory | |
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9 initially | |
adv.最初,开始 | |
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10 disastrous | |
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11 itching | |
adj.贪得的,痒的,渴望的v.发痒( itch的现在分词 ) | |
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12 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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13 deferential | |
adj. 敬意的,恭敬的 | |
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14 authorize | |
v.授权,委任;批准,认可 | |
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15 statute | |
n.成文法,法令,法规;章程,规则,条例 | |
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16 previously | |
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17 opposition | |
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18 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
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19 coercing | |
v.迫使做( coerce的现在分词 );强迫;(以武力、惩罚、威胁等手段)控制;支配 | |
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20 delegation | |
n.代表团;派遣 | |
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21 unlimited | |
adj.无限的,不受控制的,无条件的 | |
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22 legislative | |
n.立法机构,立法权;adj.立法的,有立法权的 | |
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23 icon | |
n.偶像,崇拜的对象,画像 | |
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24 intelligible | |
adj.可理解的,明白易懂的,清楚的 | |
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25 resuscitate | |
v.使复活,使苏醒 | |
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26 founders | |
n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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27 scrutiny | |
n.详细检查,仔细观察 | |
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28 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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29 statutes | |
成文法( statute的名词复数 ); 法令; 法规; 章程 | |
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30 delegations | |
n.代表团( delegation的名词复数 );委托,委派 | |
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31 permissible | |
adj.可允许的,许可的 | |
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32 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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33 debilitate | |
v. 使衰弱 | |
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