经济学人516:自由交易 伟大开拓者

　　Free exchange
自由交易
The great trailblazer
伟大的开拓者
Economists² everywhere should mourn the passing of Gary Becker
世界各地的经济学家都该对加里·贝克尔的离世表示哀悼
IF THERE is one person to blame for economists' habit of opining on everything, it is Gary Becker, who died on May 3rd. Not content with studying the world's economies, he was the first prominent economist¹ to apply economic tools to all aspects of life. His revelation was the sort that seems obvious only in hindsight: that people are often purposeful and rational in their decisions, whether they are changing jobs, taking drugs or divorcing their spouses³. This insight, and the work that followed from it, earned him a Nobel prize in 1992. No less an eminence⁴ than Milton Friedman declared in 2001 that Mr Becker was “the greatest social scientist who has lived and worked in the last half-century”.
经济学家们习惯于对一切事情都发表意见，若要将这嗜好归功于一人，这个人便是已于2014年5月3日辞世的加里·贝克尔。不满足于仅仅研究世界经济，贝克尔是第一个将经济学方法应用到生活各个方面的著名经济学家。他揭示了那些事后似乎才一目了然的事：无论是换工作，嗑药或与配偶离婚，人们往往是有目的、理性地做出决定。正是由于此种见解以及其后一系列围绕它的研究，贝克尔赢得了1992年的诺贝尔经济学奖。声名卓著的米尔顿·弗里德曼在2001年称贝克尔是“过去的半个世纪以来最伟大的社会科学家”，他完全担得起这个评价。
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At the heart of Mr Becker's work was the view that “individuals maximise welfare as they conceive it.” Welfare need not mean income; it could derive⁵ from the pleasure of altruism⁶ or the thrill of deviancy. But critically, this thesis implied that people respond to incentives—a realisation that opened the door to insights across the whole range of human activity.
贝克尔研究的核心是认为“个体总是最大化他们自己所认为的个人福利”。福利不一定意味着收入，它可能源自利他主义的满足感或越轨的快感。但关键的是，这个论题暗指人们会对激励做出回应—这个认知为全方位地洞悉人类活动打开了一扇门。
Mr Becker first used this approach in his doctoral study of discrimination, a raw issue in 1950s America. At the time economists' models assumed that employers cared only about productivity, whatever the colour of the worker. Shunting this view aside, Mr Becker instead assumed that many individuals had a “taste for discrimination”, and perceived themselves to be worse off when forced to work alongside people of other races. He then explored how this preference affected⁷ labour markets.
贝克尔在其博士生涯研究歧视问题时第一次使用这种方法，歧视问题在20世纪50年代的美国还未受到重视。当时经济学家的模型假定雇主只关心生产率，而不管工人的肤色如何。抛开这一观点，贝克尔代之以假设许多人有“歧视偏好”，被迫与其他种族的人一起工作人们会感觉很糟糕。然后他探讨了这种偏好如何影响劳动力市场。
In America, where the black population was roughly one-tenth of the total, discrimination against blacks led to relatively⁸ small reductions in white incomes but far more substantial ones for black workers. In South Africa, with a far higher proportion of blacks, discrimination brought much larger reductions in incomes across the economy. Mr Becker pointed⁹ out that although competition from more rational firms might gradually eliminate corporate¹⁰ discrimination, market forces alone would rarely erode¹¹ discrimination rooted in the tastes of workers or consumers. His book on the subject, “The Economics of Discrimination”, became the foundation for subsequent research.
在美国，黑人数量占其总人口约十分之一，对黑人的歧视导致白人工人收入相对削减较小而黑人工人的工资却较大幅度下降。在南非，黑人占比较高，歧视使整个经济体的收入更大幅度的下挫。贝克尔指出，虽然那些来自更理性的公司的竞争可能逐步消除企业歧视，但仅仅依靠市场力量很难削弱根植于工人或消费者偏好中的歧视。他探讨这一问题的书籍《歧视经济学》为后续研究奠定了基础。
Mr Becker's restless mind then focused on crime. He became intrigued¹² after weighing the odds¹³ and cost of getting a parking ticket, and deciding to risk it. He looked sceptically on the view, common at the time, that crime was simply deviant behaviour—a form of mental illness. At least some of it, he reckoned, sprang from a rational consideration of perceived costs and benefits. Moral norms might inhibit¹⁴ some individuals from breaking the law, but others would overcome their qualms¹⁵ when the return to criminal activity was high, or the likely punishment mild. Such calculations would apply, he argued, across a wide variety of crimes, from parking scofflaws to corporate fraudsters.
思维活跃的贝克尔紧接着专注于犯罪领域。在比较了停车罚单的收益和成本并决定冒险违章停车后，这个问题引起了他的兴趣。按照当时流行的观点，犯罪只是简单的越轨行为，贝克尔对此表示怀疑。他认为，至少部分犯罪是源自权衡成本和收益后的理性考量。道德准则可能会约束某些人不要去违法乱纪，但若犯罪活动回报颇高，或潜在处罚轻微时，其他人还是会将诸般疑虑抛诸脑后的。他认为这种方式也适用于衡量各种不同的犯罪，从违章停车到企业诈骗。
Mr Becker puzzled over why crime was economically costly¹⁶. Part of the answer, he realised, was that it represents rent-seeking: fighting over the spoils of productive activity rather than creation of new wealth. Resources invested in commission of crimes might otherwise have gone towards growth-boosting activity. His work contributed to new crime-fighting methods. He reckoned there is an optimal¹⁷ amount of crime in society, since it makes little sense to pay huge sums to wipe out illegal activity carrying low social costs. Where enforcement is patchy, governments might still deter¹⁸ misbehaviour by increasing the severity of the punishment—by raising fines, say.
贝克尔对犯罪为何在经济上代价高昂感到困惑。他意识到部分原因在于犯罪是一种“寻租”行为：争食生产活动的战利品，而非创造新的财富。否则，实施犯罪（或阻止犯罪）投入的资源本可用来促进生产活动。他的研究成果为新的打击犯罪的方式做出了贡献。贝克尔认为，由于支付巨额资金以杜绝低社会成本的非法活动意义不大，社会上的犯罪有着最优量。凡执法存在漏洞的地方，政府仍可能通过加大惩罚力度以震慑不端行为—比如增加罚金。
Mr Becker was again a pioneer, alongside his Columbia University colleague Jacob Mincer¹⁹, in developing the concept of “human capital”, the investments individuals make in their own education. Mr Becker ventured that spending on education and training should be thought of as an economic choice, made in anticipation²⁰ of perceived future gains, rather than a high-minded search for cultural enrichment. His view gave insight into labour-market oddities. By taking into account the difference between general knowledge and “firm-specific” skills, Mr Becker could explain why skilled workers are less likely to change firms, or why firms are more likely to promote from within. Human capital also shed light on gaps in pay across demographic groups—between men and women, for example. That, in turn, shaped Mr Becker's groundbreaking study on the economics of the family.
贝克尔与其哥伦比亚大学的同事雅各布·明赛尔一起发展了“人力资本”的概念，即个体为自身教育做出的投资。他在这方面再次成为先驱。贝克尔大胆假设，用于教育和培训的开销应当被看作是一种在预期未来收益的情况下做出的经济选择，而非为了寻求提升高尚的文化修养。这一观点给劳动力市场怪象提供了视角。考虑到通识知识（比如数学）和“企业特有”技能（如内部软件知识）之间的差别，贝克尔可以解释为什么技术工人不太可能跳槽，或者企业为什么更青睐从内部提拔人才。人力资本也揭示出人口群体——比如男性和女性间的薪酬差异，这反过来形成贝克尔对家庭经济的开创性研究。
Family values
家庭价值观
Mr Becker brought his characteristic analysis to the question, assuming that people are guided in family choices by a desire to improve their own welfare. That included marriage and divorce: his analysis implied, for instance, that those in wealthy families would divorce at lower rates, a prediction borne out by data. His work also helped explain falling fertility in rich countries. As wages rise, the opportunity cost of raising children increases, and large families become less attractive. What is more, as the link between education and economic success grows stronger, parents invest ever more in their children.
分析这个问题，贝克尔引入了他的特性分析，假设人是出于提高自身福利的愿望来指导家庭选择的，包括结婚和离婚在内。举个例子，他的分析暗示那些富裕家庭往往离婚率较低，数据也证实了这一预测。他的工作也有助于解释富裕国家出生率下降的问题。随着工资的上升，抚养子女的机会成本增加，拥有一个大家庭变得不那么有吸引力。更重要的是，教育与经济成功之间的联系变得更加强大，父母在子女身上的投资越来越多。
Mr Becker's trailblazing earned plenty of criticism. The interdisciplinary adventurism it embodied²¹ peeved²² other social scientists, who doubted that cool-headed analysis played much part in matters of love or larceny²³. But his work yielded unexpected insights and forced social scientists to rethink their assumptions and sharpen their analyses, the better to learn why people behave as they do and how policy can best help. Whole branches of microeconomics owe their existence to him. It is hard to imagine a more welfare-improving contribution.
贝克尔的开创性理论遭到了很多批评。它体现出的跨学科冒险性使许多社会科学家非常气恼，他们怀疑冷静分析在爱情或盗窃问题起到的作用会更大。但贝克尔的研究成果提供了出人意料的思路，迫使社会科学家重新考虑他们的假设，完善他们的分析，以更好地了解人们的行为：人们为何那么做，政策怎样提供最好的帮助。微观经济学的整个分支的存在都归功于贝克尔，没有谁在提升福利方面作出的贡献比他更大了。

1 economist   

n.经济学家，经济专家，节俭的人

参考例句：

• He cast a professional economist's eyes on the problem.他以经济学行家的眼光审视这个问题。
• He's an economist who thinks he knows all the answers.他是个经济学家，自以为什么都懂。

2 economists   

n.经济学家，经济专家( economist的名词复数 )

参考例句：

• The sudden rise in share prices has confounded economists. 股价的突然上涨使经济学家大惑不解。
• Foreign bankers and economists cautiously welcomed the minister's initiative. 外国银行家和经济学家对部长的倡议反应谨慎。 来自《简明英汉词典》

3 spouses   

n.配偶，夫或妻( spouse的名词复数 )

参考例句：

• Jobs are available for spouses on campus and in the community. 校园里和社区里有配偶可做的工作。 来自辞典例句
• An astonishing number of spouses-most particularly in the upper-income brackets-have no close notion of their husbands'paychecks. 相当大一部分妇女——特别在高收入阶层——并不很了解他们丈夫的薪金。 来自辞典例句

4 eminence   

n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家

参考例句：

• He is a statesman of great eminence.他是个声名显赫的政治家。
• Many of the pilots were to achieve eminence in the aeronautical world.这些飞行员中很多人将会在航空界声名显赫。

5 derive   

v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自

参考例句：

• We derive our sustenance from the land.我们从土地获取食物。
• We shall derive much benefit from reading good novels.我们将从优秀小说中获得很大好处。

6 altruism   

n.利他主义，不自私

参考例句：

• An important feature of moral behaviour is altruism.道德行为一个重要特点就是利他主义。
• Altruism is crucial for social cohesion.利他主义对社会的凝聚是至关重要的。

7 affected   

adj.不自然的，假装的

参考例句：

• She showed an affected interest in our subject.她假装对我们的课题感到兴趣。
• His manners are affected.他的态度不自然。

8 relatively   

adv.比较...地，相对地

参考例句：

• The rabbit is a relatively recent introduction in Australia.兔子是相对较新引入澳大利亚的物种。
• The operation was relatively painless.手术相对来说不痛。

9 pointed   

adj.尖的，直截了当的

参考例句：

• He gave me a very sharp pointed pencil.他给我一支削得非常尖的铅笔。
• She wished to show Mrs.John Dashwood by this pointed invitation to her brother.她想通过对达茨伍德夫人提出直截了当的邀请向她的哥哥表示出来。

10 corporate   

adj.共同的，全体的；公司的，企业的

参考例句：

• This is our corporate responsibility.这是我们共同的责任。
• His corporate's life will be as short as a rabbit's tail.他的公司的寿命是兔子尾巴长不了。

11 erode   

v.侵蚀，腐蚀，使...减少、减弱或消失

参考例句：

• Once exposed,soil is quickly eroded by wind and rain.一旦暴露在外，土壤很快就会被风雨侵蚀。
• Competition in the financial marketplace has eroded profits.金融市场的竞争降低了利润。

12 intrigued   

adj.好奇的，被迷住了的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的过去式)；激起…的兴趣或好奇心；“intrigue”的过去式和过去分词

参考例句：

• You've really intrigued me—tell me more! 你说的真有意思—再给我讲一些吧！
• He was intrigued by her story. 他被她的故事迷住了。

13 odds   

n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别

参考例句：

• The odds are 5 to 1 that she will win.她获胜的机会是五比一。
• Do you know the odds of winning the lottery once?你知道赢得一次彩票的几率多大吗？

14 inhibit   

vt.阻止，妨碍，抑制

参考例句：

• Don't let ego and greed inhibit clear thinking and hard work.不要让自我和贪婪妨碍清晰的思维和刻苦的工作。
• They passed a law to inhibit people from parking in the street.他们通过一项法令以阻止人们在街上停车。

15 qualms   

n.不安；内疚

参考例句：

• He felt no qualms about borrowing money from friends.他没有对于从朋友那里借钱感到不安。
• He has no qualms about lying.他撒谎毫不内疚。

16 costly   

adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的

参考例句：

• It must be very costly to keep up a house like this.维修这么一幢房子一定很昂贵。
• This dictionary is very useful,only it is a bit costly.这本词典很有用，左不过贵了些。

17 optimal   

adj.最适宜的；最理想的；最令人满意的

参考例句：

• What is the optimal mix of private and public property rights in natural resources?私人和国家的自然资源产权的最适宜的组合是什么？
• Optimal path planning is a key link for the sailing contest.帆船最优行驶路径规划是帆船比赛取胜的关键环节。

18 deter   

vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住

参考例句：

• Failure did not deter us from trying it again.失败并没有能阻挡我们再次进行试验。
• Dogs can deter unwelcome intruders.狗能够阻拦不受欢迎的闯入者。

19 mincer   

n.粉碎机

参考例句：

• With a household food mincer, one can cook many kinds of food for immediate consumption. 有了家用食品粉碎机，很多食品都可以现做现吃了。

20 anticipation   

n.预期，预料，期望

参考例句：

• We waited at the station in anticipation of her arrival.我们在车站等着，期待她的到来。
• The animals grew restless as if in anticipation of an earthquake.各种动物都变得焦躁不安，像是感到了地震即将发生。

21 embodied   

v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含

参考例句：

• a politician who embodied the hopes of black youth 代表黑人青年希望的政治家
• The heroic deeds of him embodied the glorious tradition of the troops. 他的英雄事迹体现了军队的光荣传统。 来自《简明英汉词典》

22 peeved   

adj.恼怒的，不高兴的v.（使）气恼，（使）焦躁，（使）愤怒( peeve的过去式和过去分词 )

参考例句：

• He sounded peeved about not being told. 没人通知他，为此他气哼哼的。
• She was very peeved about being left out. 她为被遗漏而恼怒。 来自《现代英汉综合大词典》

23 larceny   

n.盗窃（罪）

参考例句：

• The man was put in jail for grand larceny.人因重大盗窃案而被监禁。
• It was an essential of the common law crime of larceny.它是构成普通法中的盗窃罪的必要条件。