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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
Former President Carter Is Awarded Nobel Peace Prize 美国前总统吉米·卡特赢得2002年度诺贝尔和平奖。诺贝尔和平奖颁发给吉米·卡特是为了表彰他为寻求和平解决国际冲突所作出的不懈努力。他在领奖时抨击美国对伊拉克的政策，并警告所谓的预防性战争可能具有“灾难性”的后果。 据香港文汇报引述路透社报道，卡特在奥斯陆接受诺贝尔和平奖的讲话中说：“强国采取预防性战争的原则可能树立了一个可引致灾难性后果的榜样。” 卡特指出，战争永远是邪恶的，虽然有时可能是必需的坏事。他强调“不应通过互相杀害来学习如何和平共处”。 卡特说：“我们必须记住，现今地球上有至少八个核武强国，其中三个正在国际关系紧张的地区威胁邻国。” 但卡特亦说，伊拉克必须“全面遵守(联合国)安理会的一致决定，废除所有大杀伤力武器，并准许检查员畅通无阻地进入各地点，以证实伊拉克遵守承诺”。 卡特亦呼吁国际社会接受联合国的领导，以寻求和平及缩窄贫富悬殊，并称战争永远是邪恶的。 卡特说，踏入新的千禧年，全球在许多方面变得更危险，恐怖主义和内战取代了二十世纪的冷战。他说：“必须以和平配合强大的国际联盟和共识来对付全球的挑战。这最好是透过联合国来进行，虽然它未必完美。” Your Majesties1, Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen: Like these two heroes, my first chosen career was in the military, as a submarine officer. My shipmates and I realized that we had to be ready to fight if combat was forced upon us, and we were prepared to give our lives to defend our nation and its principles. At the same time, we always prayed fervently5 that our readiness would ensure that there would be no war. Later, as president and as Commander-in-Chief of our armed forces, I was one of those who bore the sobering responsibility of maintaining global stability during the height of the Cold War, as the world's two superpowers confronted each other. Both sides understood that an unresolved political altercation6 or a serious misjudgment could lead to a nuclear holocaust8. In Washington and in Moscow, we knew that we would have less than a half hour to respond after we learned that intercontinental missiles had been launched against us. There had to be a constant and delicate balancing of our great military strength with aggressive diplomacy9, always seeking to build friendships with other nations, large and small, that shared a common cause. In those days, the nuclear and conventional armaments of the United States and the Soviet10 Union were almost equal, but democracy ultimately prevailed because of commitments to freedom and human rights, not only by people in my country and those of our allies, but in the former Soviet empire as well. As president, I extended my public support and encouragement to Andrei Sakharov, who, although denied the right to attend the ceremony, was honored here for his personal commitments to these same ideals. The world has changed greatly since I left the White House. Now there is only one superpower, with unprecedented11 military and economic strength. The coming budget for American armaments will be greater than those of the next fifteen nations combined, and there are troops from the United States in many countries throughout the world. Our gross national economy exceeds that of the three countries that follow us, and our nation's voice most often prevails as decisions are made concerning trade, humanitarian12 assistance, and the allocation of global wealth. This dominant13 status is unlikely to change in our lifetimes. Great American power and responsibility are not unprecedented, and have been used with restraint and great benefit in the past. We have not assumed that super strength guarantees super wisdom, and we have consistently reached out to the international community to ensure that our own power and influence are tempered by the best common judgment7. Within our country, ultimate decisions are made through democratic means, which tend to moderate radical14 or ill-advised proposals. Constrained15 and inspired by historic constitutional principles, our nation has endeavored for more than two hundred years to follow the now almost universal ideals of freedom, human rights, and justice for all. Our president, Woodrow Wilson, was honored here for promoting the League of Nations, whose two basic concepts were profoundly important: "collective security" and "self-determination." Now they are embedded17 in international law. Violations19 of these premises21 during the last half-century have been tragic22 failures, as was vividly23 demonstrated when the Soviet Union attempted to conquer Afghanistan and when Iraq invaded Kuwait. After the second world war, American Secretary of State Cordell Hull24 received this prize for his role in founding the United Nations. His successor, General George C. Marshall, was recognized because of his efforts to help rebuild Europe, without excluding the vanquished25 nations of Italy and Germany. This was a historic example of respecting human rights at the international level. Twelve years ago, President Mikhail Gorbachev received your recognition for his preeminent26 role in ending the Cold War that had lasted fifty years. But instead of entering a millennium27 of peace, the world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place. The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual28 respect. There is a plethora29 of civil wars, unrestrained by rules of the Geneva Convention, within which an overwhelming portion of the casualties are unarmed civilians30 who have no ability to defend themselves. And recent appalling31 acts of terrorism have reminded us that no nations, even superpowers, are invulnerable. It is clear that global challenges must be met with an emphasis on peace, in harmony with others, with strong alliances and international consensus32. Imperfect as it may be, there is no doubt that this can best be done through the United Nations, which Ralph Bunche described here in this same forum33 as exhibiting a "fortunate flexibility34" - not merely to preserve peace but also to make change, even radical change, without violence. He went on to say: "To suggest that war can prevent war is a base play on words and a despicable form of warmongering35. The objective of any who sincerely believe in peace clearly must be to exhaust every honorable recourse in the effort to save the peace. The world has had ample evidence that war begets37 only conditions that beget36 further war." We must remember that today there are at least eight nuclear powers on earth, and three of them are threatening to their neighbors in areas of great international tension. For powerful countries to adopt a principle of preventive war may well set an example that can have catastrophic consequences. If we accept the premise20 that the United Nations is the best avenue for the maintenance of peace, then the carefully considered decisions of the United Nations Security Council must be enforced. All too often, the alternative has proven to be uncontrollable violence and expanding spheres of hostility39. For more than half a century, following the founding of the State of Israel in 1948, the Middle East conflict has been a source of worldwide tension. At Camp David in 1978 and in Oslo in 1993, Israelis, Egyptians, and Palestinians have endorsed40 the only reasonable prescription41 for peace: United Nations Resolution 242. It condemns42 the acquisition of territory by force, calls for withdrawal43 of Israel from the occupied territories, and provides for Israelis to live securely and in harmony with their neighbors. There is no other mandate44 whose implementation45 could more profoundly improve international relationships. Perhaps of more immediate46 concern is the necessity for Iraq to comply fully38 with the unanimous decision of the Security Council that it eliminate all weapons of mass destruction and permit unimpeded access by inspectors47 to confirm that this commitment has been honored. The world insists that this be done. I thought often during my years in the White House of an admonition that we received in our small school in Plains, Georgia, from a beloved teacher, Miss Julia Coleman. She often said: "We must adjust to changing times and still hold to unchanging principles." When I was a young boy, this same teacher also introduced me to Leo Tolstoy's novel, "War and Peace." She interpreted that powerful narrative48 as a reminder3 that the simple human attributes of goodness and truth can overcome great power. She also taught us that an individual is not swept along on a tide of inevitability49 but can influence even the greatest human events. These premises have been proven by the lives of many heroes, some of whose names were little known outside their own regions until they became Nobel laureates: Albert John Lutuli, Norman Borlaug, Desmond Tutu, Elie Wiesel, Aung San Suu Kyi, Jody Williams, and even Albert Schweitzer and Mother Teresa. All of these and others have proven that even without government power - and often in opposition50 to it - individuals can enhance human rights and wage peace, actively51 and effectively. The Nobel prize also profoundly magnified the inspiring global influence of Martin Luther King, Jr., the greatest leader that my native state has ever produced. On a personal note, it is unlikely that my political career beyond Georgia would have been possible without the changes brought about by the civil rights movement in the American south and throughout our nation. On the steps of our memorial to Abraham Lincoln, Dr. King said: "I have a dream that on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood52." The scourge53 of racism54 has not been vanquished, either in the red hills of our state or around the world. And yet we see ever more frequent manifestations55 of his dream of racial healing. In a symbolic56 but very genuine way, at least involving two Georgians, it is coming true in Oslo today. I am not here as a public official, but as a citizen of a troubled world who finds hope in a growing consensus that the generally accepted goals of society are peace, freedom, human rights, environmental quality, the alleviation57 of suffering, and the rule of law. During the past decades, the international community, usually under the auspices58 of the United Nations, has struggled to negotiate global standards that can help us achieve these essential goals. They include: the abolition59 of land mines and chemical weapons; an end to the testing, proliferation, and further deployment60 of nuclear warheads; constraints61 on global warming; prohibition62 of the death penalty, at least for children; and an international criminal court to deter16 and to punish war crimes and genocide. Those agreements already adopted must be fully implemented63, and others should be pursued aggressively. We must also strive to correct the injustice64 of economic sanctions that seek to penalize65 abusive leaders but all too often inflict66 punishment on those who are already suffering from the abuse. The unchanging principles of life predate modern times. I worship Jesus Christ, whom we Christians67 consider to be the Prince of Peace. As a Jew, he taught us to cross religious boundaries, in service and in love. He repeatedly reached out and embraced Roman conquerors68, other Gentiles, and even the more despised Samaritans. Despite theological differences, all great religions share common commitments that define our ideal secular69 relationships. I am convinced that Christians, Muslims, Buddhists70, Hindus, Jews, and others can embrace each other in a common effort to alleviate71 human suffering and to espouse72 peace. But the present era is a challenging and disturbing time for those whose lives are shaped by religious faith based on kindness toward each other. We have been reminded that cruel and inhuman73 acts can be derived74 from distorted theological beliefs, as suicide bombers75 take the lives of innocent human beings, draped falsely in the cloak of God's will. With horrible brutality76, neighbors have massacred neighbors in Europe, Asia, and Africa. In order for us human beings to commit ourselves personally to the inhumanity of war, we find it necessary first to dehumanize our opponents, which is in itself a violation18 of the beliefs of all religions. Once we characterize our adversaries77 as beyond the scope of God's mercy and grace, their lives lose all value. We deny personal responsibility when we plant landmines78 and, days or years later, a stranger to us - often a child - is crippled or killed. From a great distance, we launch bombs or missiles with almost total impunity79, and never want to know the number or identity of the victims. At the beginning of this new millennium I was asked to discuss, here in Oslo, the greatest challenge that the world faces. Among all the possible choices, I decided80 that the most serious and universal problem is the growing chasm81 between the richest and poorest people on earth. Citizens of the ten wealthiest countries are now seventy-five times richer than those who live in the ten poorest ones, and the separation is increasing every year, not only between nations but also within them. The results of this disparity are root causes of most of the world's unresolved problems, including starvation, illiteracy82, environmental degradation83, violent conflict, and unnecessary illnesses that range from Guinea worm to HIV/AIDS. Most work of The Carter Center is in remote villages in the poorest nations of Africa, and there I have witnessed the capacity of destitute84 people to persevere85 under heartbreaking conditions. I have come to admire their judgment and wisdom, their courage and faith, and their awesome86 accomplishments87 when given a chance to use their innate88 abilities. But tragically89, in the industrialized world there is a terrible absence of understanding or concern about those who are enduring lives of despair and hopelessness. We have not yet made the commitment to share with others an appreciable90 part of our excessive wealth. This is a potentially rewarding burden that we should all be willing to assume. Ladies and gentlemen: War may sometimes be a necessary evil. But no matter how necessary, it is always an evil, never a good. We will not learn how to live together in peace by killing91 each other's children. The bond of our common humanity is stronger than the divisiveness of our fears and prejudices. God gives us the capacity for choice. We can choose to alleviate suffering. We can choose to work together for peace. We can make these changes - and we must. Thank you.
It is with a deep sense of gratitude2 that I accept this prize. I am grateful to my wife Rosalynn, to my colleagues at The Carter Center, and to many others who continue to seek an end to violence and suffering throughout the world. The scope and character of our Center's activities are perhaps unique, but in many other ways they are typical of the work being done by many hundreds of nongovernmental organizations that strive for human rights and peace.
Most Nobel laureates have carried out our work in safety, but there are others who have acted with great personal courage. None has provided more vivid reminders4 of the dangers of peacemaking than two of my friends, Anwar Sadat and Yitzhak Rabin, who gave their lives for the cause of peace in the Middle East.
Ladies and gentlemen:
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majesties
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| n.雄伟( majesty的名词复数 )；庄严；陛下；王权 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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reminder
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| n.提醒物，纪念品；暗示，提示 | |
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reminders
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| n.令人回忆起…的东西( reminder的名词复数 )；提醒…的东西；（告知该做某事的）通知单；提示信 | |
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fervently
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| adv.热烈地，热情地，强烈地 | |
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altercation
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| n.争吵，争论 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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holocaust
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| n.大破坏；大屠杀 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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Soviet
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| adj.苏联的，苏维埃的；n.苏维埃 | |
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unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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deter
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| vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住 | |
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embedded
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| a.扎牢的 | |
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violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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premise
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| n.前提；v.提论，预述 | |
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premises
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| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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vividly
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| adv.清楚地，鲜明地，生动地 | |
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hull
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| n.船身；(果、实等的)外壳；vt.去(谷物等)壳 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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preeminent
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的 | |
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millennium
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| n.一千年，千禧年；太平盛世 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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plethora
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| n.过量，过剩 | |
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civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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consensus
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| n.(意见等的)一致，一致同意，共识 | |
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forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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flexibility
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| n.柔韧性，弹性，（光的）折射性，灵活性 | |
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warmongering
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| [法] 煽动战争 | |
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beget
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| v.引起；产生 | |
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begets
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| v.为…之生父( beget的第三人称单数 )；产生，引起 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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endorsed
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| vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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prescription
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| n.处方，开药；指示，规定 | |
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condemns
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的第三人称单数 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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implementation
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| n.实施，贯彻 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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inspectors
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| n.检查员( inspector的名词复数 )；（英国公共汽车或火车上的）查票员；（警察）巡官；检阅官 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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inevitability
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| n.必然性 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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racism
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| n.民族主义；种族歧视(意识) | |
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manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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symbolic
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| adj.象征性的，符号的，象征主义的 | |
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alleviation
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| n. 减轻，缓和，解痛物 | |
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auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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deployment
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| n. 部署,展开 | |
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constraints
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| 强制( constraint的名词复数 )； 限制； 约束 | |
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prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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implemented
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| v.实现( implement的过去式和过去分词 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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penalize
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| vt.对…处以刑罚，宣告…有罪；处罚 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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Buddhists
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| n.佛教徒( Buddhist的名词复数 ) | |
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alleviate
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| v.减轻，缓和，缓解(痛苦等) | |
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espouse
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| v.支持，赞成，嫁娶 | |
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inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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75
bombers
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| n.轰炸机( bomber的名词复数 )；投弹手；安非他明胶囊；大麻叶香烟 | |
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76
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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77
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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78
landmines
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| 潜在的冲突； 地雷，投伞水雷( landmine的名词复数 ) | |
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79
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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80
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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81
chasm
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| n.深坑，断层，裂口，大分岐，利害冲突 | |
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82
illiteracy
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| n.文盲 | |
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83
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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84
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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85
persevere
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| v.坚持，坚忍，不屈不挠 | |
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86
awesome
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| adj.令人惊叹的，难得吓人的，很好的 | |
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87
accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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88
innate
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| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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89
tragically
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| adv. 悲剧地，悲惨地 | |
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90
appreciable
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| adj.明显的，可见的，可估量的，可觉察的 | |
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91
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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