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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
“I would say I support the border wall with qualifications,” Ash tells Newsweek. “I understand why struggling people want to come here, like my ancestors did 100 years ago. But if we reward people with citizenship1 who don’t follow the law, that rewards law--breaking and penalizes2 people the letter of the law.”
“我想说我有资格支持边境墙,”阿什在接受《新闻周刊》采访时表示。“我理解为什么挣扎的人们想要来到这里,就像我的祖先100年前所做的那样。但如果我们用公民身份来奖励那些不遵守法律的人,那就是在奖励违反法律并用法律条文进行惩罚。”
Ash says he doesn’t feel a sense of solidarity3 with other white people, but he knows people in his community who do, and such affinity4 will affect their voting choice in 2020. “For them, the candidate probably has to be white and male,” says Paul, another Beaver5 County voter who asked that his last name not be used so he could speak freely. “They associate that white male with the prosperity we had in the past.” A corporate6 manager, he voted in 2016 for the Libertarian Party candidate, Gary Johnson, and says he doesn’t consider race but he thinks his community does. “Sadly, a lot of people think ‘America great again’ is Dad goes off to work and Mom is home cooking, and I think it’s implied that it is a white family.”
阿什说,他与其他白人没有团结感,但他知道他所在社区的人有这种团结感,这种亲切感将影响他们在2020年的投票选择。“对他们来说,候选人可能必须是白人和男性,”比弗县的另一位选民保罗说,他要求不要使用他的姓,这样他就可以自由发言。“他们把白人男性和我们过去的繁荣联系在一起。”作为一名企业经理,他在2016年投票给自由党候选人加里·约翰逊,并表示他不考虑种族,但他认为他的社区会考虑。“可悲的是,很多人认为“美国再次伟大”是爸爸去上班,妈妈在家做饭,我认为这意味着这是一个白人家庭。”
But do Democrats7 even need these voters? Again, the answer is complicated. Political strategist Matt Morrison, the executive director of Working America, the community-organizing arm of the AFL-CIO, has spent much of the past decade trying to figure it out, overseeing interviews with 800,000 white -working-class Americans. Like Ashley Jardina in her studies of white identifiers, he divides those who support Trump8 into two broad camps: The “racial resenters,” or true racists, about whose views little can be done. And what he calls “disinterested to disaffected” whites, who may or may not respond to racialized messages but were certainly drawn9 to Trump’s economic ideas. This second group, he says, should be a prime focus for Democrats. “Failure to reach that population means they become kindling10 wood to the racial resentment11 messages,” says Morrison.
但民主党人真的需要这些选民吗?答案还是很复杂。政治战略家马特·莫里森是美国劳工组织的执行董事,美国劳工联合会-产业工会联合会的社区组织部门在过去10年的大部分时间里都在试图找出答案,负责监督对80万美国白人工人阶级的采访。就像阿什利·贾迪纳(Ashley Jardina)对白人标识符的研究一样,他把支持特朗普的人分为两大阵营:“那些“种族研究者”,或者真正的种族主义者,对他们的观点几乎无能为力。”他所说的“对心怀不满的白人不感兴趣”,这些白人可能回应也可能不回应种族化的信息,但他们肯定被特朗普的经济理念所吸引。他说,这第二类人应该是民主党人的主要关注点。“未能接触到这一人群意味着他们成为种族仇恨信息的火种,”莫里森表示。
And the Democratic message is as important—if not more important—than the messenger, adds Morrison, who cites Michigan electing a female governor, Gretchen Whitmer, in November with the highest share and total votes of any Democratic gubernatorial candidate in the state in the past decade. Whitmer’s campaign slogan, “Fix the damn roads,” was the sort of strong kitchen table message that strategists believe can override12 racialized messaging.
莫里森补充道,民主的信息与信息传递者同样重要,不然就是更重要,世卫组织援引密歇根州11月选举女州长格雷琴·惠特默为例,惠特默在过去10年里是该州所有民主党州长候选人中得票率和总票数最高的。惠特默的竞选口号是“修路”,是一种强烈的餐桌信息,战略家们认为,这种信息可以压倒种族歧视。
“We cannot be perceived as trying to push coastal13 or urbanized or different values on people,” says Morrison. “But nothing in our experience says you can’t go to a white working-class voter and talk about Black Lives Matter and how GM got a giant tax break to shut down the manufacturing supply chain in Ohio. We just need politicians who can hold both thoughts in their heads.”
“我们不能被认为试图把沿海地区、城市化或不同的价值观强加于人,” 莫里森表示。“但从我们的经验来看,没有说不能去找一个白人工薪阶层选民,没有说不能谈论“黑命贵”(一项黑人运动的口号),没有说不能谈论通用汽车如何获得了巨大的减税,从而关闭了俄亥俄州的制造业供应链。我们需要的只是能够同时考虑这两种想法的政治家。”
Some point to Ohio’s Sherrod Brown, a potential Democratic presidential contender who won a third term in the Senate last year amid a Republican wave in his state. “Democrats don’t have to choose between whether we will stand up against racism14 or fight for an economic agenda that appeals to all workers. We have to do both,” Brown tells Newsweek. “And we need to nominate a candidate with a strong record of fighting for workers of all races.”
有些人将矛头指向俄亥俄州的谢罗德?布朗。布朗有可能成为民主党总统候选人,去年在该州共和党掀起的浪潮中赢得了第三个参议员任期。“民主党人不必在我们是站起来反对种族主义,还是争取一个对所有工人都有吸引力的经济议程之间做出选择。我们必须两者兼顾,”布朗在接受《新闻周刊》采访时表示。“我们需要提名一位在为所有种族的工人争取权益方面有着良好记录的候选人。”
1 citizenship | |
n.市民权,公民权,国民的义务(身份) | |
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2 penalizes | |
对…予以惩罚( penalize的第三人称单数 ); 使处于不利地位 | |
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3 solidarity | |
n.团结;休戚相关 | |
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4 affinity | |
n.亲和力,密切关系 | |
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5 beaver | |
n.海狸,河狸 | |
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6 corporate | |
adj.共同的,全体的;公司的,企业的 | |
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7 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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8 trump | |
n.王牌,法宝;v.打出王牌,吹喇叭 | |
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9 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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10 kindling | |
n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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11 resentment | |
n.怨愤,忿恨 | |
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12 override | |
vt.不顾,不理睬,否决;压倒,优先于 | |
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13 coastal | |
adj.海岸的,沿海的,沿岸的 | |
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14 racism | |
n.民族主义;种族歧视(意识) | |
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